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SKETCH 



Joseph Benson Foraker, 

—5 1883.1— 
—^1885.2— 






'5 



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JOSEPH BENSON FORAKER. 

[This hastily prepared sketch is made by a sincere friend of intellecflual, moral 
and patriotic worth, and without consultation with any politician whatever. It 
aims to discern the real, essential man, through the accidents of soldier, student 
lawyer, officer, and judge. By reaching the veritable manhood of Joseph Ben- 
son FoRAKER as exhibited in his past and the living present we can be quite 
confident of his future. 

Trifling inaccuracies may be found as the writer has had no access to the Judge 
is his distant campaign.] 



Press of U. B Publishing House, Dayton, O, 



The princlpid reason why Jud<;e ForaKer has been enabled to do so much work is that he 
has a sound mind in a sound body. Another reason is that he takes everything coolly, and 
allows nothin" to worry him. When he speaks he never saws the air nor wears his shoes out 
by stamping tlie platform. He stands quietly before his audience, speaks in a clear, distinct 
tone, impressing nis hearers by his dignified demeanor, commanding the closest attention, 
and making everybody hear him. His audiences feel that they are in the presence of a man 
of superior mental ability; that they are listening to the thoughts of a clean-cut, original 
mind, that holds in reserve a jiower of intellect thiit can be drawn upon almost without limit. 
The easy, unlabored style of Judge Foraker's oratory is its principal charm and the grent 
secret o^ his power of endurance He is a model for young orators. — Clevtland Leader. 



Joseph Benson For aker. 



MEN AND PRINCIPLEW. 

It is said with reference to the duty of citizens at the polls, 
"Principles and not men ;" and, again, that only the character of 
candidates for office is to be considered. Is not the true maxim, 
" Men, and also principles?" 

We have in Judge Foraker, both the noble, pure and patriotic 

man, and sound and well-tried principles. Nothing from his 

birth has been suggested that needs defense or apology. Hon. B. 

Butterworth says of him : 

'• He is a man without a flaw in intellect or morals. I would trust him with my 
dearest interests. If I lay on my death-bed and J. B. Foraker took my hand and 
said, ' I will look after your little ones,' I should be entirely satisfied. I know 
him to be afraid of but one thing — to do wrong." 

Foraker's opponent, Judge Hoadley, admits the very temperate 
and pure mode of life of the Eepublican candidate for Governor, 
He says " J. B. Foraker ain't the man who would ever say a 
thing which he was conscious was untrue," even in politics. 

Judge Foraker, at fourteen years of age, while on the farm, be- 
came a communicant of the church, and so continues. His piety 
is not ostentatious, but quiet and modest. He courts not business 
nor promotion by his religious association, nor by any connection 
with any society whatever. 

foraker's NOMINATION. 

Judge Foraker's nomination was not of the ordinary political 
sort. It was without the usual political conferences. It was with- 
out effort upon his part. He did not seek it. He did not even 
desire it. The Enquirer said of Foraker, " He is not an office- 
seeker." The candidacy for Governor came to him from the 



— 4 — 

people, from his neighbors, from his clients, from the private sol- 
diers. It was free, hearty, enthusiastic, whole-souled. When it 
was generally determined that the candidate for Governor must 
be sought in southern Ohio, men of cool reflection and judgment, 
men of business and of morals, men of patriotic record, and men 
of patriotic impulse at various points, turned with spontaniety to 
Judge Foraker. 

When the gubernatorial candidacy was seriously pressed upon 
Foraker, he thought of the regular duties of his office, of his fond 
wife and dear children, and of his domestic and social happiness, 
although all was plain and ordinary in his $3,000 house on the 
airy hills. Ever ready to serve his country, he thought the sacri- 
fice great. He had made little more than a living in his honest 
practice, and in his honest administration of office. He could see 
before him only self-denial and continued scantiness of income. 
He coveted not mere honor. In his full heart he said to his 
friends : 

*' If Mr. will make the race, you can draw on me for 

^1,000 for the campaign fund, but I refuse to contribute the small- 
est amount for my own candidacy." But the people said, our can- 
didate you must be. 

They had known Judge Foraker in the humbler, and they could 
trust him in the higher sphere of duty. He came before the peo- 
ple of Ohio as did Lincoln of Illinois, and as did Grant in his 
army promotion. As Lincoln was not the choice of politicians, 
nor Grant that of the genei-als, so Foraker' s meritorious proper- 
ties were first appreciated and recognized by the people. He was 
the choice of the people of his section, and is that of the whole 
State for governor, and his character as developing in the canvas, 
is giving him a reputation among the people of the country at 
large. 

Views of political preferment beyond the position of governor 
were presented to encourage consent. He frankly said that he 
had no ulterior ambition ; that he preferred home and his profes- 
sion, and his regular income ; that he could give but two years to 
his State and party ; that if thought necessary, he consented to 



— 5 — 

this arduous service as he would renewedly enter upon the defense 
of his country, against domestic or foreign foe. 

There was a geujcral feeliL.g over the State for a new man. The 
people wanted purity of character, and freedom for political com- 
bination. 

After consent was given to be a candidate, he said, " I shall do 
nothing to create a boom for myself at the convention. 1 shall 
set no wires. The convention must settle the question." 

The prayer at the opening of the convention was answered, that 
the " men nominated should be men of integrity and honor, of 
purity and of blameless lite ; men who will do justly, who love 
mercy, and walk humbly before God." 

Hon. Mr. Watson said in convention : 

»' More than twenty years ago, when Republicanism was the only power that 
was guiding this nation in the darkness of the civil war, a boy sixteen years of age 
entered the army as a private soldier. He sought neither fame nor glory. His 
only love was love for his country. His highest and holiest ambition was to fight 
in the ranks and for the flag. A year later, for special bravery on the battle-field, 
he was made a captain — the youngest captain in all that mighty host that battled 
for the stars. He was with that magnificent army — the grandest that ever stepped 
to martial music — whose achievements thrilled the nation with joy and the world 
with wonder as it marched to the sea and restored the flag to eternal supremacy in 
the land of its banishment." 

His nomination was made by acclamation, followed by a scene 
of wild enthusiasm. Delegates rose in their places, and jumping 
on their chairs waved their hats and handkerchiefs frantically. 
The spirit of the movement animated all. Shout after shout, hur- 
rah after hurrah weiit up, and the noise was beyond description. 
Even the sedate assembly of gentlemen on the stage forgot their 
dignity and reserve and joined in the tumultuous applause. The 
great sound was heard in the street, and thus the fact of Foraker's 
nomination was known to the outside- world. 

Among the good things in the Judge's speech of acceptance be- 
fore the convention is (his: 

'•The twenty-five years of Republican rule have been twenty - five years ot 
triumph — triumph in war, triumph in peace, triumph at home, and triumph abroad, 
— until the whole globe has come to be circled with a living current of respect and 
esteem for the American flag and the American name that is absolutely without a 
parallel in the case of any other nation on the face of the earth." [Applause.] 

The reporters at the convention said that Judge Foraker't 
speeches, extempore as they were, were exceptionally free from 
grammatical or constructional errors. There is no pretence of 
eloquence, but his speeches are ringing in well chosen, crisp lan- 
guage. 

After the nomination prominent Democrats in southern Ohio 
tiestified to the Judge's worth 



-6 — 

Hon. Thos. Paxton declared him to be " an honor to the bar, an 
excellent citizen, a worthy gentleman." 

Judge Wilson said: "Foraker is no fossil, and represents the 
progressive elements of his party. Judge Poraker"s nomination 
is the very bet?t that the Eepublican party could have made. He 
is a man of ability, of fine character, and as courteous a public 
officer as ever officiated. He deserves all the warm friends he has 
made in his official career." 

Hon. Mr. Follett said, "Foraker is a strong and a good man." 

Hon. Mr. Jordan considered Judge Foraker "a man of eminent 
ability, and socially very popular." 

liepresentative Butterworth said, " No one doubts the character 

of Foraker. His record as a soldier, citizen, and lawyer is brilliant. 

Every part of his record from the cradle has been searched, and 

there is not a flaw in it. A party, that has had in its heart to 

nominate such a man, who represents such a pure and exalted 

morality, deserves to be victorious." 

Hon. Mr. Townsend said at Athens that " Foraker is a high- 
minded citizen, with qualifications of the highest order — patriot- 
ism, sincerity, and honesty. His appearance wins. He is prudent, 
thoughtful, and a man who does not blunder. In his speeches he 
is judicial, with depth and dignity. Foraker can not be the tool 
of any man. His dignity protects him from such insinuations. 
He is too great a man to be subordinate long anywhere. " 

Hun. Thos. M'Dougall said at Magnetic Springs of Judge For- 
aker: 

" For many years my warm personal friend, my associate at the bar, 
and my neighbor, I can speak of him from personal knowledge. People 
say of him he has no record. What do they mean ? True, he has not 
the record of a political acrobat. * * * * He did not seek, did not need 
to seek, his nomination. There are no heart-burnings, no factional fights 
attached to his record. * * * * Ben. Foraker has nothing to explain, no 
apologies to make, no telegrams to send. * * * * Ben. Foraker — his only 
record is that of a loyal and affectionate son, a brave and brilliant soldier, 
an honorable, able, and conscientious judge, an honest, manly, and patri- 
otic citizen, and a loving and devoted husband and father. 

*'* And thus he bears without abuse 
The grand old name of gentleman.' 

"Eminently qualified and completely equipped, the office sought him by 
acclamation, with honor and credit, and he has more than fulfilled in his 
conduct of the campaign, the high expectations of those of us who knew, 
him best and had formed of him. the opinion that 

" * From men like these Ohio's greatness springs 

That makes her loved at home, revered abroad; 
Princes and lords are but the breath of kings — 
An honest man is the noblest work of God.' 

" In him you have one whose heart is true to law, to liberty, to right* 
who has the brain to plan and the courage to execute the purposes of such 



a heart. When, some years ago, the convention of which I was a mem- 
ber nominated him, then comparatively unknown in our city, for Judge of 
the Superior Court of our city, people said he had no record, and asked. 
'Who is he?' They soon found out who he was. I knew him then; I 
know him now. When nominated for governor the same cry arose, 'He 
has no record.' 'Who is he ?' They are finding out who he is." 

Senator Sherman in his address at Cincinnati said that he never 
saw Judge Foraker till he met him at the state convention, and 
he was immediately pleased with his bearing, with his manner, 
his speech, and his conduct; he was gentle, kind, intelligent; but 
firm and strong. The conversation he had with him before his 
nomination impressed upon him that he was a man worthy to 
carry the Eepublican banner; he has made no mistake in his can- 
vass, but has borne the Republican banner on from victory to 
victory. 

WHAT THE TIMES DEMAND. 

" God give us men a time Hke this demands. 
Great hearts, strong minds, true faith, and willing hands; 

Men whom the lust of office does not kill. 
Men whom the spoils of office can not not buy, 

Men who possess an opinion and a will, 
Men who have honor, who will not lie." 

FORAKEr's birth and EARLY HOME. 

Like Lincoln and Grant, our candidate for governor was born 
July 5, 1846, among the hills and in the country, and like Lincoln 
and Harrison, in a log cabin ; born the second son and fifth child, 
one mile north of Eainsboro, and ten miles due -east of Hillsboro, 
Highland County, Ohio, on the Chillicothe and Milford turnpike. 
The Judge's father frequently has said that Saturday, the fourth, 
there was a militia muster at Eainsboro, in connection with the 
anniversary, and that on account of the Mexican war which com- 
menced that year, and was then in progress, there was an unusual 
excitement about it, and he was especially anxious to attend. On 
account of the Judge's expected arrival, he stayed at home and 
cradled wheat all day. 

The Judge is one of eleven children, six boys and five girls : 
two of whom, one boy and one girl, died in infancy. The remain- 
ing nine, grown to manhood, are still living, except Burch, his old- 
est brother, who won position, honor, and respect, and died at the 
age of thirty-four. 

His sisters living, are Sarah Elizabeth, wife of Milton McKeo- 




THE OLD MILL (See page 13.) 




THE FORAKER LOG CABIN. 



-8 — 

ban ; Louisa Jane, widow of Samuel Amen ; Maggie Eeece, wife 
of Wm, C. Newell, son of the old miller, and all resident at Hills- 
boro. His brothei-s are James Ross, a law partner of the Judge, 
and Charles Elliott, and Creighton, at home. 

In the wild and picturesque valley of Kooky Fork, in Highland 
County, Ohio, was Foraker's paternal home for ten years, in the 
log cabin near Eainsboro, and nine miles from Greenfield. 

Scenery, hills, the country, climate, and honest and sturdy 
neighbors had somewhat to do with puerile development; but pa- 
rental character and care vastly more. 

Into the Eocky Fork Valley of Paint Creek, David Eeese came 
in 1802, from Virginia, on account of his detestation of slavery, 
and as a pioneer in what was then a wilderness. He cleared his 
farm and had not completed his task when, in 1813, he entered 
the army and served on the northern frontier. He represented 
Highland County in the State legislature — an honest and respected 
citizen. One of bis daughters, the Judge's mother, married Henry 
S. Foraker, the father of the Judge, whose family had also settled 
in Highland County, moving from Delaware because of their dis- 
taste of slavery. Into their possession came the old farm and saw 
and grist-mill, where Joseph Benson spent most of his early days. 

SAW-MILL AND SCHOOL. 

In this old saw-mill was often the church-gathering on Sunday 
for the pioneer families, the preacher putting his Bible and hymn 
book on the top of an up-ended puncheon, and the congregation 
seated on improvised benches. This was the early church of the 
Forakers and Eees . 

THE OLD SCHOOL HOUSE. 

The school-house was a poor cabin, deserted by its original ten- 
ant for a better location. The ventilation was abundant, and the 
scholars picked out the clay of the chinking until every cranny 
was open to the wind. The teachers could sit near the fire-place, 
the pupils write with their faces toward the window, but in con- 
ning their lessons straddling the benches without a back, the girls 
on one side and the boys on the other of the room. 



— 9 — 

The reign of the rod was not disputed by the teacher, who 
taught but few branches in winter, and wrought in summer. , The 
tramp of the pupils for miles through the untrodden snow, with 
the cold dinner, was of itself discipline enough. 

Such was the pioneer school of the Foraker s, at Eocky Fork. 

A correspondent of the Commercial Gazette in a late visit to 
Highland gives us information as to Foraker s parents. Upon 
his inquiry as to Ben's father, the store-keeper of the hamlet at 
Eainsboro, replied : 

" Well, he's in the back of the store now, trading some butter." 

Looking in the direction indicated, an elderly man, dressed as a far- 
mer, with sunburn face and hands, was seen. His broad-brimmed straw 
hat, which was darkened and formless from long exposure to all kinds of 
weather, was pushed back from his forehead, and his thin, snowy locks 
were in full view. He is, every inch of him, a hale, hearty old man, 
whose appearance tells of a head stored with good, sound common sense, 
and he belongs to that class whom ono delights to refer to as the 'bone 
and sinew.' His distinguished son resembles him very much, the father's 
high brow, and nose with the firm, open nostrils, being duplicated in the 
son. He had just come in from the farm, bringing with him six great 
rolls of yellow, sweet-smelling butter, which Mrs. Foraker had churned 
but a few hours before, and which he was exchanging for groceries. - 

"What do you want it in ?" the store-keeper was heard to ask. 

"My wife told me to get it in sugar, to put up her blackberries and 
things." 

While the sugar was being put up, the correspondent introduced himself 
to Mr. Foraker, who straightway insisted that he should accompany him 
home, and, as it was near dinner time, an extra plate would be put upon 
the table. 

"There's always enough, and it's good, hearty country fare," he urged; 
"but I'm sorry you came all the way from Cincinnati, and I didn't know 
beforehand, for we can't make an extra spread for you now. You see, 
one of our neighbors is threshing, and we lent our hired girl to help them, 
and so Mrs. Foraker is all alone ; but our friends are always welcome." 

THE FORAKER FARM. 

The Foraker farm, which consists of 170 acres of good upland, is on 
the Hillsboro pike, from which the plain, comfortable house, painted 
white, with reddish-brown shutters, is plainly visible. The immense barn 
is between the house and the road, and the first thing one sees on reach- 
ing the place is a towering heap of whea' straw, which has just been 
threshed, and which is piled so high as to f lirly eclipse the barn. In front 
of the house are aged trees, in whose grateftl shade unnumbered chickens 
and curious young turkeys lazily take their noon-time rest, scarcely mov- 
ing as the newspaper visitor makes his way up the walk. On the porch 
are Mr. Foraker and his son, Charles, a younger brother of the Judge's, 
who is determined to be a farmer, who greet the traveler hospitably, and 
all these engage in a political discussion, while the lady of the house can 
be heard bustling about inside s^etting dinner. 



— 10 — 



THE ARMY. 



"Mr. Foraker," asked your correspondent, "didn't you object to the 
Judge entering the army?" 

"I did, but the boy was set upon it, so I let him go. You see his elder 
brother, Burch, was in a law office in Hillsboro, and when he enlisted, 
Ben thought he must go and fill his place. By and by he caught the fever, 
too, and said he was going to be a soldier. I told him that he was not 
mature enough ; that he could not endure the long marches with the 
heavy burdens he would be obliged to carry ; that he would become sick, 
go to the hospital and perhaps die. I thought it was good sensible advice 
to tell a boy of seventeen that he could not do a man's work. But my 
refusal weighed upon his mind and so I had to let him go. In his first 
letter home, from Virginia, I think it was, he jubilantly wrote that while he 
was carrying a load for a pony and was feeling well as ever, men of two 
hundred pounds were dropping by the road side." 

"Did you think that the Judge was going to be nominated ?" 

"I felt it in my bones, and when the day arrived I didn't need any tele- 
gram to tell me what had happened. Before the Convention I received a 
letter from Ben saying that if he was nominated, Hoadley would be worthy 
any man's steel, and that it would be no disgrace to be beaten by such a 
man, while to be victorious would be honor indeed." 

"Were you at the Convention ?" 

"No, it was right in the middle of harvesting, and I could not be 
spared." 

FATHER AND SON. 

"I suppose you are proud of your boy ?" 

"Proud i f him ? proud of Ben ? Why, I'm his father, and I'm prouder 
of him since the campaign opened than ever. I knew that Ben was pret- 
ty solid, but whether he could compete with Hoadly on the stump was a 
matter of doubt. Now, of course, I'm partial, for I'm his father, but when 
it comes to facts I know that Ben's always on hand. 

"Have you seen him since he was nominated ?" 

"He wrote me just after the Convention that he wanted to come here 
and rest for a day or two, and then he wrote again that he was kept , so 
busy that he din't know if he would ever come, but I saw him vv'hen he 
made his Fourth of July speech at Leesburg. For a long time I iried to 
get him alone, and finally we succeeded in slipping out into the bushes, 
and I stole a half hour's chat with him." 

"And what did you talk about .''" 

"I told him that I had read every word of his speeches, and that so far 
he had made no mistakes, and to be very careful. I told him to keep out 
of anything low or mean, to be conscientious, but he don't need any such 
advice from me. He'y got more sense as regards politics and behaving 
himself than I ever will have, but he listens like a good son to everything 
I say." 

"Tell mo, Mr. Foraker, are you going to take an active part in the cam- 
paign ?" 

"All his old friends in Highland County are going to vote for him with- 
out being asked, but 1 am a judge of election, and feel that to be perfectly 
square I should be above electioneering." 

"How did the Judge happen to choose the law?" 

"I guess it was natural in him. When he was getting his education I 
was asked what I was going to make of him. I always had an ambition 



—11— 



tto educate my children. I always felt the need of a good education my- 
self, and I prepared my boys so that when the time came they could them- 
selves decide upon what they wanted to do. Ben first wanted to be a sol- 
dier, but after a bit he decided to be a lawyer. When he went to Cincin- 
nati! told him that he couldn't live there, that it was full of lawyers and 
that he would starve, but he said 'if you want to do business you must go 
where it is done,' and so he went. He only knew one man there when he 
went, but he got along all the same." 



MOTHER AND SON. 



And then the proud old father told the story of his "boy's" trmmphs 
and successes, of his goodness and kindness, and his eyes lighted with 
pleasure as he spoke. While he was still chatting Mrs. Foraker came to 
the door and announced that dinner was ready. She is an active old lady, 
atypical farmer's wife, with sharp, kindly twinkhng eyes, and hands that 
are ever busy, and in seeing her, one understands from whence comes the 
Judge's indomitable courage and unceasing work. And oh how proud 
she is of her son ! Her face fairly beams with joy at the mere mention of 
his name and when his brilliant career is spoken of she smiles in an ex- 
cess of happiness. She said that she had been "putting up" blackberries 
all morning and that the visitor would have to excuse the ordinary farm- 
er's fare and looked dubious when your correspondent told her that an 
toonest home meal was fit for a king. And now that the dinner is a thing 
of the past he can bear witness that Mrs. Foraker is as excellent a cook as 
her son is a political speaker. Of course the conversation at the table was 
almost entirely concerning "Ben." 

THE COFFEE-SACK BREECHES. 

"Mrs Foraker," said the writer, "nearly everybody in Ohio wants to 
know the truth about those coffee-sack breeches. Now tell me did you 
ever make him such a pair, or is it only a campaign fabrication ? 

"Oh no " the lady replied with a laugh, "it is the solemn truth, and 
what is more he wore them out. You see it was in the fall when Ben was 
about ten years old, and the men folks were all busy building a dam and 
in the house the girl and myself had all we could do preparing for them, 
as there were a lot of extra hands. Ben was under the necessity 
to have another pair. of pants or he couldn't go to school Everybody 
was too busy to go to town to buy any doth, and for a time I didn t know 
what to do. All at once I thought of an inside coffee sack that was in the 
house, and so I made the breeches out of it. When I showed them to the 
boy. he look disappointed and said: 'I don't want to wear them, the boys 
will make fun of me.' 'Never mind,' said I, 'if you make a smart man 
people will never ask what kind of pants you wore when a boy. 

"Yes " broke in Mr. Foraker, "that's the truth of it, and it wasn t froni 
extreme poverty as some of the papers said My wife is a saving kind of 
woman-a fortune to any man-and that coffee sack just happened to be 
handy." [Foraker's coffee-sack breeches are not yet worn out. They 
will stick to him like Grant's hides, Old Abe's axe, and Washington s lit-, 
tie hatchet. Such a man will win in Ohio and the country all the time. | 

"There never was a better boy to his mother than Ben, continued Mrs. 
Foraker. "and he helped round the house as good as any girl. 1 taugtit 
all my boys to wash, iron, milk, cook, spin, and Ben used to have to pick 
the geese." 



— rz 



THE CORN. 



"Ben," supplemented the father, "was one of the kind of boys that 
thought that if any of the rest of his companions was able to do anything 
he could do it too. One day his elder brother, Burch, put up thirty -three 
shocks of corn, for which I paid him one dollar, and Ben felt that he 
ought to earn some money as well. I told him that he was too small to do 
such hard work, for the corn was strong and high, but he said he was go- 
ing to try. That day I went to the fair, and when I came back I found 
that he had put up his thirty-three shocks. He was not tall enough to tie 
them, and so he had got his little sister to stand on a chair and do it, 
iwhile he held the stalks in place. It was a powerful day's work for a boy, 
and 1 don't see how he ever did it." 

Running about one of the pastures on the farm is an old, dun-colored 
pony, which was owned as a colt and broken in by the now Judge. There 
IS a story told that when he was still a "beardless youth," he fell in love 
with a Mt. Carmel girl, and so as to be near her he refused to go to the 
Rainsboro Sunday-school, but rode his pony to the one which was attend- 
ed by the object of his affection. But, alas ! for the poor boy. When he 
went off to fight his country's battles, she forgot him and married another 
fellow. The pony was ridden after Morgan, at the time of his celebrated 
Ohio raid, by Mr. Foraker, and at present the little son of the Judge, when 
he is visiting at the farm, rides the ancient nag to the Post-office for the 
semi-weekly mail, and, by-the-way, the farm was bought and presented to 
his parents by their ever-thoughtful son. 

THE SECRET. 

In the foregoing, we have the secret largelj^ of Judge Foraker's 
character and success. It should be addsd that these parents are 
pious Methodists, with their morning and evening worship, with 
their regard for the sacredness of Sunday and of religious institu- 
tions, with their temperate habits and honest ways, and with their 
observance of the maxim not to "make haste to be rich." They 
had moved from a State cursed with, slavery to begin life on free 
soil. They read little, but read thoroughly. They study the 
Bible and good books. They are most familiar with the Metho- 
dist commentary on the Bible— that of Joseph Benson. Hence 
the J'udge was baptised Joseph Benson. Josephus and Bunyan's 
Pilgrim's Progress are family text-books. The books were few, 
but they were well read. Midtum, non Multa. 

The boy, Foraker, was noted from earliest years for energy, 
perseverence, truth, and honesty. He was a hard-wrought boy, 
ploughing with a span of horses when ten years old. He took no 
pleasure in depressing his companions ; and while frequently aid- 



— lo — 

ing them in tasks and lessons, he excelled by his own innate 
strength. He led naturally. He was the chosen chief for victory in 
sports and games. In one of his feats of daring this barefooted 
and berry-stained boy, with pockets bulging with green apples, fell 
into the mill-race, and was rescued by Samuel Newell, for a long 
time miller on Rocky Fork, who so admired his wise pluck in strug- 
gling for life that that the rescuer said that boy would be governor 
some day, and, who, again, a few years after, when he had a dis- 
cussion with a Democratic relative, picked up his favorite boy and 
said, "We'll beat you some day for governor with this farmer boy." 

THE SPARGURS AT RAINSBORO. 

September 15, 1883, the Spargurs of Ohio slathered on the farm of Jno. 
Bedkey, in view of the site of the Foraker lo::; cabiu. "Uncle Joe" Spar- 
gur wag chairman. Eev. Cunningham, of Hillsboro, offered prayer. Rev. 
Somner, of Virginia, gave a Bible talk. Mrs. Bedkey's Spargur re-uniou 
song was sung, to an air, the product of the music-loving Milton W. Spar- 
gur. After dinner Hon. H. L. Dickey's speech was' on "Character" — its 
importance illustrated in the families of Rainsboro before him. Mr. A. D. 
Wiggins followed. Judge Foraker was then introduced, by "Uncle Joe" 
Spargur, as Ben Foraker Spargur, when the assembled six thousand made 
the forests ring with shouts of recognition and of their fondness for their 
neighbor, their soldier boy. No introduction was necessary, as the Judo-e 
was at his boyhood home, and among the friends and companions of iTis 
youthful days, where he had romped, and among the "boys in blue," with 
whom in riper years, but a boy still, he marched to meet unblushing trea- 
son in battle array. 

THE BREECHES AT HILLSBORO. 

September 19 is said to have been the greatest day in the history of High« 
land. From far and near came Highland's hosts to pay tribute to her hon- 
ored son. The streets were crowded, and it was almost impossible to get 
around. A moderate limit places the number at six thousand, which has 
only been exceeded once before — during the Brough-Vallandigham cam- 
paign. Judge Foraker arrived on the noon train from South Salem, where 
he addressed a great audience, September 18, in the campus of the academy. 
Here the Judge attended school after the war, and was personally known. 
The boys greeted him as Ben, both Republicans and Democrats, and 
Ben recalled the names of Beech and Amos and hundreds of his old school 
and army friends. At Hillsboro the Currier Band of Cincinnati escorted 
the Judge to the Kramer House. Here he was waited upon by the entire 
conference of the African Methodist Church, with their bishop. Visitors 
were introduced by Col. Glen of the 89th, his old commander. From Paint 
Township (the Judge's) came a long procession, headed by aduu pony, which 
the Judge rode when ia boy, and followed by wagons containing thirty-eight 
boys with coffee-sack breeches, and a number of girls, dressed in red, white 
and blue. One of the wagons bore the motto, "Paint Township will White- 
wash Hoadly." Flags were shown on all the principal buildings, and across 
Main Street hung an immense banner bearing the words, "Old Highland wel- 
comes her honored son, Ben Foraker, the next Governor of Ohio." Banners 
bore numerous mottoes, among them, " 'This boy will be our Governor yet'— 
Samuel Newel!;" "Paint Township will whitewash Hoadly;" on the wao-on 
bearing the boys in coffee-sack breeches, "We will be voters by and by.'" 



7I^(^ ^^^1^^)16^^ ^^i^qkiiU^ of i\i(2, \^V/ 




J. B. FORAKER, Co. A, 89TH Regt., O. V. I. 

Born on the day succeeding the Fourth of July, Ben was an 
extraordinarily j)atriotie lad. This miller farmer boy of Rocky 
Fork enlisted as a private, July 14, 1862, in Company A* of the 



— I£> - 

89th Ohio Infantry, the first man mustered into his regiment, and 
the last man mustered out. 

His chief and perhaps his only act of positive disobedience and 
wilful resistance against parental authority was when he made a 
onndle of his scanty wardrobe and started off for the recruiting 
rendezvous, depositing his baggage in a corner of the car of a 
freight-train, determined to go to the defense of his country as a 
religious duty. When his departure was discovered, it was agreed 
to leave the matter to his brother, Burch, and he decided that 
the boy should go, as he thought he had a mission of patriotism. 

Captain Glenn (afterward colonel) in raisiiag his company, at 
Hillsboro, promised the position of first or orderly sergeant to the 
soldier securing the greatest number of recruits; and that of sec- 
ond sergeant to the private bringing in the next largest number. 
Ben went rapidly over Clermont, Ross, and Highland counties, 
and was soon in possession of the promised place. A boy of but 
sixteen years of age, he said that he knew nothing of military 
affairs and generously and gracefully yielded the place to the 
private next to him in efficient recruiting, he taking the second 
sergeantcy, August 2Gth, 1862. This was in the second year of 
the war, Ben being only fifteen at the breaking out of the rebellion. 
His brother, the lamented Captain Burch Foraker, had preceded 
him in the service of his country. Reluctantly did his fond pa- 
rents consent to part with another son. 

The 89th, without having been in military retreat and discipline, 
■was hastened into a service at once active and severe. Ben was 
in its exhausting marches, its camp privations, and its losses by 
battle and disease. He was made secondlieutenant January 24th, 
1863; and then, first lieutenant, February 1st, 1864. Late in tfce 
summer of 1863 he was sent to Ohio to recruit for the regiment_ 
* He was on this duty when the famous battle of Chickamauga took 
place — that battle of which the author of "Ohio in the War" said: 

" Falling back on Chattanooga, our army went into intrenchments. 
Monday morning at nine o'clock, Surgeon Crew, the only commissioned 
officer in the fight left, all being killed, wounded, or taken prisoners, of 
the Eighty-ninth, sick with jaundice, and just able to ride on horseback, 
found himself half a mile in front of our line of battle with forty wounded, 
twenty sick and seventy-five well men, — all that was left of the Eighty- 
ninth." 2 



— 16 — 

" Captain Jolly, who had been at home recruiting, arrived at Chatta- 
nooga the day after the battle, with the sick who had recovered. He was 
promoted to Major, and took command. The Eighty-ninth soon mustered 
two hundred men. For six weeks it lay in the marble quarry at Chatta- 
nooga with shell bursting over its camp from Lookout Mountain, subsist- 
ing on half rations, scantily clothed, and braving the rigors of winter. It 
witnessed Hooker's charge up the steeps of Lookout Mountain, and joined 
in the shout of victory as the enemy gave way and fled. The next day, 
when the charge was made on Mission Ridge, Major Jolly, at the head of 
his little band of two hundred men, led them to victory in the front of the 
attacking column." 

Foraker, then but seventeen years old, reached Chattanooga the 
night before the charge of Mission Ridge. Receiving no orders, 
he entered his regiment as it was going into battle, instantly took 
command of his company, led it to the charge, and was chival- 
rously the first man of his regiment over the enemy's works. He 
served in the field with the Third Division of the Fourteenth Ar- 
my Corps, Army of the Cumberland. He was with the Eighty-ninth 
at Dalton, Georgia ; in Rocky Face charge, February 25th ; in the 
campaign against Atlanta, and in the battles of Buzzard's Roost, 
Resaca, Burnt Hickory, Peach Tree Creek, Hoover's Gap, Lookout 
Mountain, Mission Ridge, Ringold, Kenesaw Mountain, Eutoy 
Creek, Averysboro, and Bentonville. 

After the fall of Atlanta he was placed on duty with the Signal 
Corps. In Sherman's March to the Sea, November, 1864, he was 
on the Staff of Major General Slocum, commanding the army of 
Georgia. He remained with Slocum in the campaigns to the Sea 
and through the Carolinas. He was mustered out June 13, 1865, 
while serving as Aid- de-Camp on Slocum's staff. 

The TJ. S. Fleet lay off the mouth of the Savannah river, eight- 
een miles below the city, without knowledge that Sherman had 
reached Savannah. The river was as full of torpedos as the banks 
were of rebels. Foraker was selected to let the loyal people of 
the country know through the fleet that Sherman had finished his 
campaign. Foraker secured a row-boat and the services of two 
faithful negroes as rowers, and in the night, with one orderly, be- 
gan his perilous adventure. The boat ran aground several times 
in the darkness and barely escaped capsizing, took to the fleet 
the first news of Savannah's capture, as he will in October, send 



— 17 — 

the message all over our patriotic country, that another battle for 
freedom has been fought and won. 

HOW THE NEWS REACHED THE PRESIDENT. 

There are thousands of citizens of Ohio who can recall with great dis- 
tinctness the days and weeks of agonizing suspense during Sherman's march 
from Atlanta to the sea, in November and December, 186-1. How the great 
heart of the North fairly stood still, in anxiety to hear reliable tidings of 
his progress, and the condition of his army! What battles had been 
fought ; what brave soldiers were slain or wounded ? These were questions 
that were in every mind. No news came except through rebel sources, and 
there were stories of disaster to our army, put forth, as we afterwards knew 
to fire the flagging zeal of the Southern people, but they served to increase 
the anxiety of Ohio people who had thousands of husbands, sons and broth- 
ers in that army. 

FORT m'ALLISTER 

Was taken by assault, but Savannah still held out and offered a strong 
obstacle to our march. Finally, however, that city was taken, but there 
was no means of direct communication with the North to transmit the news, 
Poraker reached the fleet, carrying Sherman's famous dispatch to the 
President, which our readers read on the morning of December 26. 1864, 
and which electrified the nation, as follows : 

Savannah, Ga.^ ' 
To His Excellency President Lincoln : 

I beg to present to you as a Christmas gift the city of Savannah, with 
one hundred and fifty heavy guns and a plenty of ammunition, and also 
about twenty-five thousand bales of cotton. 

W. T. Sherman, Major General. 

The safe conduct of that dispatch was a daring feat, requiring the highest 
degree of courage and judgment. People will readily remember tho inci- 
dent and the dispatch, but the modest young bearer of it has been known 
to hut few persons until late years, though he is to be better known in the 
future. 

His superior officer in Military Division, Mississippi, said in his report: 
" * * * Lieut H. W. Howgate and J. B. Poraker succeeded in getting a 
part of the rebels' signal corps. 

Captain James M. McClintock, with his detachment with the right wing, 
acting in accordance with general instructions given by me to ail the signal 
officers of the army of Georgia, to use every possible effort to communicate 
with the fleet on our [coming near the coast, on the 12th inst. he took 
with him Lieut. Sampson and several men, and went to Dr. Cheeve's rice 
mill, on the Great Ogeeche, within three miles of Fort McAllister to try» 



— 18 — 

if possible, to communicate with tlie fleet if any portion of it came up the 
river. During the night they tried to draw the fire of the Fort if possible, 
and during the night threw up rockets to attract the attention of any ves- 
sel that might chance to be in hearing or in sight, but without success. 
During the day and night a section of artillery (twenty pound Parrots) un- 
der command of Capt. Degrasse came down and fired at the Fort. During 
the day and during the night of the 12th instant, until midnight, a gun 
was fired every ten minutes, and at the same time a rocket was sent up by 
the officers, but without any success. 

On the 13th instant communication was opened with Lieuts. Sherfey and 
Adams, who accompanied the Second Division Fifteenth Army Corps, un- 
der orders to take the Fort. General Sherman, who was at the Rice Mill 
Station, sent his orders by signal to Gen. Hazen, to make the assault on the 
Fort. 

IN SIGHT. 

At 3 p. M. a vessel came up the river in sight. They now called the ves- 
sel, and after some time a signal flag was hoisted. I ordered them to put 
themselves in communication with the officer on board ; but instead of an- 
swering the call, he began to call them ; they answered his call, and at once 
opened communication with the fleet. The officer on board the vessel asked 
" Who is there ?" In reply, General Sherman sent the following message, 
" General Sherman's Army is now here all well. Savannah and Fort Mc- 
Allister closely invested." A number of messages passed over the line, whea 
at 5 p. M., Fort McAllister was carried by assault. 

General Sherman now sent the following message to the vessel : 

"Fort McAllister just taken by assault; come to the fort immediately.'' 
Communication was opened from the station at the Rice Mill immediately 
after taking the Fort. 

On the 14th iust., Lieuts. Dunlap and J. B. Kelley relieved Capt. J. Mc- 
Clintock and Lieut. Sampson, at the Rice Mill Station. On the 16th inst. 
I received orders from General Sherman to ectablish a line from Fort Mc- 
Allister to his headquarters, some ten (10) miles distant. On this line 
Lieuts, Sherfey, Shellabarger, and Worley did duty. Some work was done 

on this line. 

On the 21st inst. the enemy evacuated the city, and I at once went into 
the city to superintend the opening of comraunica*^.ion with Fort Pulaski> 
and also to communicate with the fleet, or Major General Foster. * * * 

LIEUT. J. B. FORAKER 

Was ordered to proceed down the river and opei» communication with 
Fort Pulaski, if any signal officer was there. Eut finding it impos- 
sible to go far enough, owing to the marshy nature of the ground, 
he returned to Fort Jackson, procured a small boat, and pressing two 
negroes for oarsmen, he, with his flagman (second class private Thomas E. 
Mattesou), started for Fort Pulaski, some nine miles distant, which point 



— 19 — 

he reached some time after dark. He communicated soon after with Maj. 
General Foster, in person, some two miles ofl". He was the first to give him 
the news of our troops occupying the city of Savannah. On the following 
day he returned with General Foster to the city. The line from Head- 
quarters Military Division of Mississippi to Fort McAllister was broken up 
and one established from the latter place to Rose Dew Battery. 

In conclusion, too much cannot be said of the conduct, efforts and energy 
displayed by the officers of the corps in trying to establish communication 
with the fleet. * * * Also Lieut. J. B. Foraker, acting signal officer,^in 
carrying out his orders, in a small boat over unknown waters, almost at the 
peril of his life. 

Of the other officers and men, to whom no fine opportunities were pre- 
sented to distinguish themselves, all have willingly, faithfully, and well per- 
formed their duty, I am Colonel, very respectfully. 

Your ob't serv't, Sam. Bachtell, 

Capt. and Sig. Officer, U. S. A. 

Lieut. Col. Wm. J. L. Nicodemus, Act. Chief Sig. Officer, U. S. A, 

I certify the above is a true copy of my official report of services per- 
formed by my command, for the month of December, 1864. 

Sam. Bachtell, Late Chief Sig. Officer, Mil. Div. Miss., 

and Brevet Lieut. Colonel." 

The confidence reposed in this soldier-youth was manifested 
upon various occasions. 

When Sherman had deflected his columns, and with confidence 
of no further interruption, sought to open communication with 
Schofield, Johnson, with his usual skill, had fortified his position 
of defense. When Sherman's left wing was marching with the 
belief of freedom from any attack, it came directly upon John- 
son's skirmishers. The Union troops were driven in with some 
loss. Who was the trusted messenger sent by Slocum to Sherman 
to tell him that he (Slocum) was confronted by Johnson's whole 
army, and thus save the patriotic army and the campaign? Our 
Highland County soldier, who observed Slocum's injunction, 
"Be careful, but don't spare horse-flesh ! He thus bearing the 
order for Hazen's division of the Fifteen Corps, and returning 
with it, reached the battle-field at three o'clock in the morning. 
It was by no political influence, or by the pleading of influential 
friends that Foraker was breveted captain, but for such services : 



— 20 — 

"Efficient services during the recent campaigns in Georgia and 
South Carolina, to date from March 19, 1865," as reads Greneral 
Order No. 97, of the War Department. 

The people of Ohio felt that patriotism needed a revival, and 
they turned to the honest, faithful, and patriotic soldier as their 
candidate, who enlisted at the age of sixteen, and had earned his 
position of honest resj^ect when the country was almost in the 
agony of dissolution, and when men were falling in battle like 
leaves before the frost. 

A well known private soldier writes : 

" For sixteen years and more at all our soldiers' meetings and re-unions, 
we of the rank and file, while conceding to the officers a fair share of the 
civil offices, have kept demanding for the private soldiers some reasonable 
portion of the elective offices in our State and Nation. 

To be candid, for myself I hardly ever expected to see the day when I 
would have the privilege of voting for &■ real live private for Governor of 
Ohio. But now, in obedience to this demand of at least one hundred 
thousand voters in Ohio, one of the rank and file of the Union Volunteer 
Army has at last been nominated for that grept office. Foraker must serve 
the good purpose of showing those who sneer at us that a man may have 
been a private soldier and yet may be a great ttaLe.-suian beHid.'.s. 

Other titles Judge Foraker has of good right— judge, jurist, scholar, and 
all that — to recommend him to the respect and confidence of the people of 
Ohio; but his prominent recommendation among soldiers is the fact, and 
the fact it is, that he once wore the humble blouse and did the duty of a 
gallant private in the Union army. He was not one of those gilt-edged 
privates of whom we have so often read, who was only nominally for a day 
a private — with a full understanding that on the morrow the politicians 
would have a commission sent to him ; but he was at the front on the 
march, in battle, with his musket, knapsack and old canteen, just like the 
rest of the boys. He is our comrade by the strongest of ties. We must 
not let the politicians say to us hereafter, ' Here, now, you fellows have 
been asking us to nominate a private, and when we did so, you defeated 
Private Foraker.' Let every soldier in Oliio vote for Foraker." 

The private soldiers of Ohio knew Forakcr's soldier-worth and 
demanded and secured this private as candidate for governor of 
Ohio, As the officers in the person of Grant and of many others 
have been honored, so in Foraker is the whole ro-^^ and file of 
the army. 



— 21 — 

PATRIOTIC DETERMINATION, 

Capt. James Duffy, the well-known Eoman Catholic and Irish 
Democrat of Pickaway County, says that he will vote for Foraker. 
flis language is : 

"I think it my duty to God, my country, and myself. When we need- 
ed men to go to the front, Foraker, boy as he was, shouldered his musket 
and marched away. I was with him fighting for our country. He can be 
trusted in war and in peace. He risked his young life for us, while other 
candidates were feathering their own nest. As a soldier and a citizen, I 
shall vote for Foraker." 

Captain Cable says, ''While Foraker is a very popular candi- 
date with the Ohio voters generally, he is especially so among the 
veterans, who are proud of their candidate and the boy soldier." 

BEN FORAKER'S BREECHES— BY PRIVATE BILL JONES. 

"Ben needed a new pair of pants when he was a boy, and Mrs. Foraker 
was too poor to buy the goods for them, and had notliing in the world to 
make them out of but an old coffee sack. Ben looked a little ashamed 
when he first put them on, but his mother said, "Never mind, my boy; if 
you grow up to be a good and useful man nobody will ever ask what kind 
of breeches you wore.' " — Commercial Gazette's Highland County Corre- 
spondence. 

Old lady, yon're just a leetle off 

la your britches pint of view — 
The kind of britches a fellow woro 

Made a difference in eixty-two I 

There was the chaps that wore them grayi 

With gray-backs in every hem, 
And ragged and dirty— 6/(( they was hrave; 

'A' e shut, but respected them. 

And there was them that sneaked at home 

And called us " Lincoln dogs " 
And " hired cut-throats'' and all such stuff— 

Them ftUers wore butternut togs. 

I guess, old lady, about this time 

You've stumbled onto my cue. 
And it is se-trcely necessary to speak 

About the "boys in blue." 

Yes, I was out in the Eighty-ninth, 

And fought the whole war through 
With your boy Ben, and /can swear 

Ben ForaJcer's britches was blue. 

For I savi him go vp Mission Ridge — 

Ahead of the regimi nt, too, — 
And juiiiplthe works and straddle a gurit 

So I had an excellent view 

And we marched together to the sea 

And up through the Carolinas, 
And Ben was with us ev-e-ry time 

Amongst the swamps and pines. 



— 22— , 

Jast call on the boys of the Eighty-ninth 

And ask them a question or two, 
And you will find that your boy Ben 

Was, britches and heart, true bluet 

And when us fellers walk up to the polls 

To vote for a Governor, 
We're agoing to ask "when we wot out 

What kind of britches he woreV- 

A FEW EXTRACTS FROM FORAKER's DIART. 

We have been privileged to inspect the diary of this patriotic 
young and private soldier. We have space for but a few extracts 

/une 5, 1863. . As tired a boy as you can ever find. . 
June 6, 1863. . Very sick all day. Longed for home. Marched nine 
miles. After a rest, ordered to march again. Sicker than ever. . . 

yune 7. . Marched to Murfreesboro — twenty miles ; worse on the way 
and gave out. Rode to Col. Glenn's house — nine miles. . . 
yune 10. . Burch [his brother] came. Never so glad to see any one. . . 
yune II. . Burch and myself went all over the battle-field. I saw enough 
to sicken my heart. War is a curse and our conflict a sad necessity. . . 
/une 16. Ten months to day since I left "Old Hillsboro." . . . 
June 17. Night, and in charge of 155 men on the outpost — picketing. . 

Lynchburg, Ohio, Oct. 8. 1863. Here trying to recruit for our regiment. 
Dull business. Hope I shall not be compelled to remain here long. The 
old 89th has been in the great battle of Chickamauga. I feel sadly dis- 
appointed in not being there. . . . 

Oct. 13. . Much fun last night — burning "tar barrels" and hurrahing for 
Johnny Brough and the Union 

Oct. 14, Highland County has gone for the Union by a very decided 
majority 

Oct. 15. An immense torch-light procession for the great Union victory 
in Highland County and Ohio. Brough's majority reported at seventy 
thousand. The supporters of Vallandingham look ashamed. . . . 

Oct. 25. Low spirited — want to go to the regiment 

Nov. 10. Start for the regiment to-morrow 

Chattanooga, Dec. 4, 1863. Reached the regiment just in time to go inta 
a fight. Don't like fighting well enough to make a profession of it. War 
is cruel, and when this conflict is over 1 shall retire from public life. . . 

New Year's day. Cold as Greenland, . Nothing to eat, scarcely any 
wood to burn, and enough work for ten men. . . . 

Jan. 4. 1864. Would like to be in Hillsboro to-day to go to church. Many 
a poor soldier to-day hovers over his smoky fire, while the cold, heartless 
winds come tearing through his thin tent, almost freezing him to death, 
and yet you hear no word of complaint. They are the bravest men that 
ever composed an army; and while my suffering is equal to their's, I feel 
proud of my condition — a clear conscience that I am doing my duty; and 
this affords me more comfort than all the enjoyments of home. I feel a 
pride rising in my bosom in realizing that I am a member of the old 14th 
Corps of the Army of the Cumberland 

Feb. 5, 1864, . . Getting along well; but would get along better if I 
were not on duty almost every day ; but what matters this ? I am serving 
my country, and this is consolation enough. . . 

March 14. I864. Would like to be at home, going to school and prepar- 
ing myself for future duty; but my country calls and I remain. . . 



— 23 — 

From some memoranda of burials of soldiers the writer judges 
that our soldier lad read the burial service occasionally over a dead 
comrade, beginning, " Man that is born of a woman," etc. 

TWO OP THE BOYS. 

Mr. Doughty, of Company F, Eighty-ninth O. V. I. (Foraker's 

old regiment), an invalid at the Soldiers' Home, said to a correspondent 
of the Commercial- Gazette, " That he knew Judge Foraker from the time of 
his enlistment to the close of the war. My company was next to his in 
the ranks and in camp, and I had opportunities for close acquaintance." 

" How was he regarded by the boys ?" 

" Nobody was more popular. He was so generous and unassuming 
that he was universally liked. When he was promoted he put on no airs. 
Neither did our Colonel Glenn, of Chillicothe. Yet it was unusual for men 
promoted from the ranks to behave so. 'Ben,' as we always called him, 
engaged in our sports, and was as much of a boy with us as ever, though 
he could be dignified when it was necessary and proper. I verily believe 
that there is not a man of the old Eighty-ninth but will vote for Foraker, 
no matter what may be his party." 

"You look young. What was your age when you enlisted ?" 

" I was only nineteen, just three years the senior of Judge Foraker, and 
had a fellow-feeling with him as a young man." 

" Have you long been an invalid ?" 

"Yes, my health early failed in the Kanawha Valley, where many were 
taken down with camp-fever. Since then I have scarcely been well." 

" Does your regiment have re-unions ?" 

" Yes, it is to have one at Amelia, on the Cincinnati Eastern, the twen- 
tieth of this month. Judge Foraker will be there, I have no doubt, and I 
intend going if I possibly can. It is a great honor to the Eighty-ninth to 
have a nominee for Governor, and the boys will show their appreciation, 
by helping their old comrade all they can." 

Your correspondent then found another comrade of Foraker — Al. Bieber, 
of Company H, Eighty-ninth O. V. I. Bieber is employed at Ritty's restaur- 
ant, (Dayton), and was glad to express his opinion of "Ben." He said that 
Ben never lost his popularity on account of promotion or anything else. 
" He was the same in manners from first to last," said Bieber. "A good 
many of those fellows when they got shoulder-straps on, wouldn't associate 
with the poor devils who hadn't the intelligence, or the influence, or the op- 
portunity to get promoted. We couldn't all be officers, and Ben seemed to 
understand that, and think just as much of us anyhow." 

" What's your politics?" 

" I am a Republican, but if I were a Democrat, I would vote for Ben, 
He's my man, and I don't see why he isn't going to be elected, It looks 
to me as though nothing could stop him now. He has the start of the 
other man, and will be likely to keep it. It's just like him. When he was 
Orderly Sergeant he always had his reports and other papers ready before 
any one else." 

THE TRUE SON AND A TRUE SOLDIER. 

Extracts from correspondence of the yonng private with his 
parents. 

In his letter from West Point, Va. Oct. 16, 1862., after describ- 



— 24: — 

ing the country and the situation of the army, he expresses his 
affection for " Company I," of his regiment, he being on detached 
service. He refers to the sad necessity of using churches at times 
for army quarters. 

August 17, 1862. Camp Dennison : "* * We visited the hospitals. 
We saw hard sights, some with their arms cut to pieces, some with their 
legs shattered by balls and mangled. * * There are 100 secession pris- 
oners here captured at Pittsburg. They all confess a determination not 
to join the army of the Confederacy again. * * Instead of the ring of 
the church bell, I hear the drums and the fife. * * Sunday is not known 
here." 

September 20, 1862. Camp Shaler, Ky.: * ♦ " I spent no money 
foolishly. * * We had Friday a nice flag presented by George Cole- 
man, of Cincinnati. 

Above Clifton, Va., Nov. 3, 1862. Father Dear. * * Two weeks ago 
we left Pomt Pleasant without tents or transportation, except that of the 
back. We marched fifteen miles the first day. We were compelled to 
use the rails of a hot rebel farmer, it was so cold. We built large fires and 
slept around them, but not very warm. * * We marched every day 
until Friday. This night, dark as it was, we perilously marched over hills 
and hollows, and stumps and rocks. It was cold and dark, and we were 
not permitted to talk above a whisper. * * We reached the enemy's 
camp to find it deserted. * * We have had one-third rations for two 
weeks. * * Hard business. * * The nearer they come to killing 
me, it seems, the better I like it. 

Nov. 9, 1862. Cotton Hill, Va. * * Out all night and snowing all 
the time. Very cold this morning. * * In a snap we cut limbs of 
brush and propped them up for shelter for fifteen or twenty, building large 
fires in front. These the boys call boars' nests, bearing a strong resem- 
blance to a hog bed. * * Battles have bec;n fought all around It is 
the place where our forces tried to capture Floyd. 

Nov. 18, 1862. From Camp Fredrick, Va. Dear parents. * * You 
have no idea how much good it does me to hear from home and Burch at 
the same time. * * Uncle Sam owes me $51, and when paid I will send 
it home. I want something to show when I get home, for God knows 
that if anybody earns his money it is the private soldier. You write that 
you have hard times feeding sixty hogs and gathering the corn, but your 
work done, you have a house and a good fire for warmth with a table 
filled with plenty, a bed to sleep in. I get up from the ground at 5:30 A. M., 
call the roll, get a cup of coffee and a hard cracker, sling my knapsack and 
accoutrements, and start upon the mountain march of twenty-five miles, 
and then throw myself on the ground (wet or dry), with a thin blanket for 
cover. * * Poor Jack Foraker is about gone up with the rheumatism 
* * I sometimes think it is no use to fight any longer when such men as 
, (a noted northern rebel) is allowed to live in Hillsboro. 

1863. 

yanuary 22, iSdj, Camp Rosecrans, Va. How did Burch (his brother) 
get along in the recent great battle ? I learn he was on Gen. Rosecran's 
staff, and was riding over the field when the bullets flew thickest. He 



-25 — 

always was a lucky fellow at home. I saw five shots fired from up on the 
hill above our camp in a minute. The long roll was beat, and then you 
ought to have seen your Ben 

January 30, 1861,, Steamer Express. I send you $60, to use the best you 
can; if your Ben never gets to his earthly home do what you please with it. 
Company A is without a captain, but Ben Foraker will never ask for a 
place. I have done my duty always, and have done nothing in the army 
I would not have done at home. I know I have friends and, what is above 
all, a clear conscience. . . . 

Nashville, Tenn., Feb. 8, i86j. I must tell you of our fight the day we 
reached Ft. Donnelson. The Eighty-third Illinois was attacked by about 
7,000 rebels and artillery. They fought from 2:30 p. m. to 10 when we 
came up with the gun-boats and immediately opened out on them, and 
they "skeddadled." The next day I saw many dead rebels. Ah! To 
know how dreadful war is you must see it yourself. At home you may 
talk of the horrors of the field of battle and its wounded and dying, but to 
realize, you must see it. Terrible is the responsibility and criminality of 
those begining a war, and such a war, to build a nation on the corner-stone 
of slavery 

March 6, i86j. . If I am not careful, my debts will consume my wages. 

March 24, i86-},. . Marched all day and night and next day. . . Have 
not slept two hours since we left and got into camp. Hard soldiering. . . 

Cainp near Carthage, Tenn,, March 2g, i86j. . Awaiting rebels, he 
writes : No fire was allowed, and so sleep was out of the question, the 
night being bitter cold. We awaited the coming morn' for relief from our 
suffering. . . The rebels had disappeared. . . We marched twelve miles 
and then halted until sundown, and then marched till midnight, halting 
one hour and a half. , . Marched and scouted until next midday. . . 
Never was a boy gladder to get into camp than your son. My feet were in 
a blister, and every bone in my body was as sore as if beaten with a ham- 
mer. . , Yet I could only be satisfied in the service of my country, and 
as long as there is an armed rebel in the land, and a demand for men, I 
shall be on the field. . . There are some wishing our glorious Republic 
and her armies no good luck. Between them and me there can be no 
friendship. These men who would corrupt and demoralize our army have 
the bitter contempt of the soldiers. I shall do what duty calls for. If it 
should be my lot to fall by disease, or on the field of battle, I ask no sym- 
pathy from the enemies of my country. . . I like all my officers. . . 

Camp near Carthage, Tenn., April 16, 1^63. The longer I live the more 
I become impressed with the worth of character. Since 1 have been in 
the army I have lived right up to my duty. . . Major Glenn has been 
really a father to me. I never had better friends at home than here. 

Yours, Ben. 

May 5, /86j>. The prisoners say they have been drawing only quarter 
rations for months, and no coffee, sugar or salt. . . They all cry "peace," 
and that they will agree to come back to the Union as it was; but this war 
will not end until all realize this is a Nation, and for the colored as well as 
the white man. . . . 

May ij. Burch at home. Does he look like the same dear old Burch 
that he used to? He wrote me you almost killed him with kindness. . . 

Carthage, Tenn., May 27. Mother Dear. * * You desire me to tell 
you about Jimmy Elliott, and what he said upon dying. * * His talk was 
most about his mother. He said he was willing to die, and was not afraid 



— 26 — 

of death. He felt it would be all right with him. * • Will there be a 
camp-meeting this fall ? * * Yours. Ben. 

May 31. * * A leave of absence of four days to meet Burch [his 
brother] at Nashville. It will be a glorious old meeting, you may bet your 
life. * * I wish mother was here to go fishing with me. * * Wouldn't 
mother's eyes glisten if she was to haul out one of the largest fish of this 
region. . . . Ask mother if she remembers the time she and I went fish- 
ing at the big rock, at the head of Spargur's dam. I can see her throw- 
ing them out, as fast as I could take them off the hook and string them. I 
was not bigger than a pound of soap then. What a change in our family. 
. , . But enough of this ; it makes me sad. . . . 

Murfreesboro, Tenn., June 13, 1863. If there is anything I despise it is 
a man holding a commission in the army and at the same time finding 
fault with everything the administration does to put down the rebellion. . 

September 2. Dear Father ... I congratulate you in your becom- 
ing a captain of the Home Guards. If you want to know how to drill them, 
come down here, and bring a box of provisions along, and then I will 
hitch you in for about one week, and then you can go home with a good 
idea of the tactics. . . 

Chattanooga, Tenn., Dec. i, 1863. . . . Arrived just in time to engage 
in the fight. I found the regiment under arms. The army charged Mis- 
sionary Ridge. Our brigade charged on double-quick over two miles and 
up an awfully steep mountain. I commanded two companies, A and B, — 
brave boys. I threw myself in front and told them to follow. They kept 
as pretty a line as I ever saw them make on drill. The rebs had two cross 
fires and a front one. They knocked us around, I reached the top ol 
a hill without a scratch, but just as I leaped over their breast-works a large 
shell burst just before me. A small fragment of it put a hole in my cap, 
knocking it off my head. . . As soon as I got into the breast-works and 
the rebs began to fall back I commenced rallying my men. I had the 
company about formed when Capt. Curtis, Gen. Turchin's adjutant gen- 
eral, galloped up to me and complimented me . . I never 
wish to see another fight. It is an awful sight to see men shot down all 
around you as you would shoot a beef. . . 

Dec. II. There is a hospital in the rear of our camp. You can hear 
the wounded screaming all through the day. Legs, arms, and hands lie 
before the door. . . They are cutting off more or less every day. . . Wai 
sickens me. . . I have about thirty men left out of the one hundred and 
one we started with over a year ago. The regiment does not look the 
same. . . Come what will^ I shall stick to the company if I die with it. 

1864. 

Ringold, Ga., March 6, 1864. Foraker writes of the enemy taking a 
stand upon a hill after being pursued. He says: "More skirmishers 
being called for, I was ordered out with my company. I met the gentle- 
man halfway, and after pouring several decided volleys into his ranks, I 
prevailed on him to go back and let me have full possession. I regained 
all the ground lost, and kept it until relieved at ii o'clock that night, 
though repeated charges were made on my line with a much larger num- 
ber. * * Our regiment had done splendid fighting. * * Capt. Vick- 
ers is a very brave man. * * I have $200 to my credit. I owe brother 
Burch $35 ; credit him and discredit me with this amount. 

Near Kingston, Ga., May 20, 1864. Within fifty-six miles of Atlanta. 
You have read oi our fighting from May 7 to 17. We were under fire all 



— 27 — 

^^v the lAth . The rebels commenced retreating last Sunday night, 

and we have been following them, fighting their rear-guard every day 
and we have ^^^^|^ ^.^^.^ shot of the skirmish line Tha 

sun i^ iust 'rising above the tree-tops. If the rebels make a stand a bloody 
dav's wo k wilt soon commencef . . My company stands up to the 
vro^k X men. I wish no more honorable position than I now have. 

Sou^/i of Etowah River, May 25. Within forty-five miles of Atlanta 
, Awfully hard campaign. It requires all my strength and energy to 

^""^/v 6" Ten miles from Atlanta. Going to have a hard fight. The 
enemy have their fortifications on the opposite bank of the river, and wi 1 
malTe warm work for us in crossing; but cross we will one way or another 
r The fitigues and hardships of our campaign of sixty-one days, have 

rpfl'iired our thirty-four men to nineteen 

irthe Field Georgia, July 26, 1864. We are within two miles of At- 
y«/'/2^y^'6/rt,u-^^/^^ , y^^ . Warwl end soon. . . I am 

':^^^o.?S:t'\tJ^:r.xX^'^ andwom out. Think of eighty days 
Tn the field under fire every day, and in a dozen heavy engagements be- 
s?des I can't compare myself to anything better than one of Jake 

Foraicer's old horses about the time corn is laid by. • • • • 

AaJnta Nov 6.x%(^\. Dear Brother Burch: Was relieved from duty 
at Marfeua, by Li^ut. Adams yesterday. Arrived here last night Capt 
BaSel wi 1 accompany Gen. Sherman. He was ordered to select five of 
hi^bes officers and transfer them Dept. Cumberland to Mil Div. I was 
selecSd as one of the five. The rest of the corps are sent back to Chat- 

tanooga 

1865, 

Savannah, Jan. 13, 1865. My Dear Father: A slight attack of the 
chnrardftve^.but'amglttingjvell. ^ ^^ - ^"^^ ^ f^YSd ' * m^y' 
next campaign will open in about a week. . . I wish 1 had my 

'"Sne"le?te'r to'hft f'ather'is marked "confidential." It begins: •'You 
befng more experienced in the world than myself. I come to you for advice 
^rhavea^hanceforacadetshipatWestPoint. . . What say you ? 
My strongest reason is that I am just the right age to get an education 
fnd I can get one at West Point and still be m the army If I don t go 
there I think I should go to school at some place. . . . Who will be the 
4t President? Get a man who will not fear to make a draft. 

I am tired of handling this thing with gloves. I say pitch in and 
. ^ipe them out. We have the men and the means. So why not put a stop 
*>) this unnatural rebellion at once 

HIS ARMY LIFE. 

His own speeches contain at times allusions to his army life. At 
Camp-fire, McCook Post, No. 30, G. A. K., April 28, 1881, Judge 
Foraker's topic was -The Soldier in Civil Life." He spoke of 
civil life furnishing the soldiers, of the dread of war through the 



— 28 — 

north, of men giving up private affairs, business interests, and 
home and families; of repeated efforts at compromise; of the 
BOUth regarding us as destitute of fighting qualities ; of our finding 
what blood courses our veins and of our patriotism, of our grand 
army of a million, and of our men ready for every brunch of serv- 
ice. He stated that a colonel, needing a locomotive engineer, 
announced to his regiment that any man able to run a locomotive 
Bhould step out, and fifty men stepped to the front. He said : 

" I remember that when Sherman, on his march from Atlanta to the sea, 
captured Milledgeville, which was then the capital of Georgia, our boys 
took possession of the State House, from which the Confederate Legislature 
had precipitately fled the day before, organized a mock legislature, elected 
officers, appointed commit'tees, drafted* a bill and enacted it into a law, re- 
pealing tlie ordinance of secession and putting the state back into the 
Union ; and did it all as creditably, showing as much ability, as could any 
legislative body especially selected for the purpose. . . Thus we see that 
there is strength in popular government, and that government of the peo- 
ple, for the people, and by the people is no longer an experiment, but an 
established and demonstrated fact." 

The Judge noticed the spirit of alarm that a military despotism 
with a favorite general for dictator would subvert our constitution 
and suppress our liberties, or that the country would be filled with 
an army of idle prowlers. He said : 

"The soldiers in civil life to-day, are to be found in every field of useful- 
ness, every art, every science, industry, and profession — with only enough 
exceptions to prove the rule, wherever you find an ex-soldier, you find a 
good, industrious, representative citizen. And not only are they toiling in 
the humbler walks of life, but they are honoring themselves and their 
country in the highest. As legislators, judicial officers, governors of s tatea 
aiid presidents of the United States, they contribute to all the departments 
of government." 

NEW DEPARTUKE. 

August 26, 787^, before the Grant and Wilson Club, of Hillsboro, Judge 
Forakersaid: "For notwithstanding the new departures with which the 
Democracy have recently seen fit to edify themselves, and notwith- 
Etanding ' the nomination of the Chappaqua philosopher, there is 

absolutely no safety and security for this government, nor for republican 
institutions in general, the world over, but in the continuance of this gov- 
ernment in. the hands of the same men who saved it until every question 
of the war and every question that has grown out of the war, shall have 
been permanently settled on the side of the right, 

MISSION RIDGE. 

These new departures remind me of an incident of the battle of Mission 
Ridge, — an incident which I think I shall never forget. When we had 
pushed our lines up that rugged mountain side, until we had come within 
a few paces of the rebel trench at the top and when, as it was obvious to 



every one, we would in another minute sweep over their lines, bearing 
down everything that might stand in the way, I saw a rebel soldier thrust 
his musket out over their works and fire it at us, almost in our very faces, 
and then, jerking it back, throw it down into the ditch behind him, leap 
over to our side and run into our lines, crying out to us at the top of 
his voice for us not to shoot him, for he was a Union man, our friend, etc. 
Our lines opened and he passed through, and down that rugged mountain 
side to- our rear something after the manner and style of a streak of greased 
lightning. It all happened in one-half the time I have occupied in relat- 
ing it. I don't know that I have ever seen the gentleman since, nor do I 
know that I ever shall see him again, but I do know that I always have 
believed, and most likely always shall believe, that if, instead of passing 
him. to our rear, as we did, our men had received him on the points of their 
bayonets and passed him into eternity, he would have gone up to the bar 
of God with a lie in his mouth. And yet, my friends, that rebel was do- 
ing just exactly what the Democracy are pretending to do. He was 
taking his new departure. But I did not believe then, and I do not believe 
now, that his professions of Unionism and friendship were sincere. They 
indicated a change of mind entirely too radical, too sudden, and suspicious 
in its character and surrounding circumstances. And as I have never 
believed that that rebel was taking any genuine departure, except such as 
he could take by means of his legs, so have I never had any faith what- 
ever in these departures of the Democracy. And the reason why I haye 
never had any such faith are the very same identical reasons why I disbe- 
lieved that rebel. 

Here they come, many long years later than they ought to have come, 
to have been appreciated, and pledge themselves to maintain the Union. 
Yes. They wait till the war is over, till the Union has been preserved, till 
we are in a condition such as to render it a matter of but slight considera- 
tion whether they stand the one way or the other, and then they come 
forward with the pledge that they ought to have given the country in 1861. 
They in favor of the Union ! What a great pity it is that they didn't find 
it out sooner ! What a great pity it is that they did not see fit to come for- 
ward in 1861, and clasp hands across the little chasms that intervened 
between party organizations with the Union men of the country and pledge 
themselves before the whole world to so continue to stand to the end. It 
is a great pity because, had they done so, the war, if ever commenced at 
all, would have terminated long before it did. And, in that event, many 
brave and precious "boys" would not have gone down as they did in sac- 
crifice. But, my friends, it is not only a great pity that they so neglected 
this important matter, it is also a gross crime. The blood of all such 
"boys" is upon the skirts of this Democratic party." 

RECORD OF SERVICE 

At the reunion of the the 89th 0. Y. I., Sept. 20, 1869, at Hills- 
boro, Judge Foraker, among other good utterances, said on our 
battle-flag are eotitled to be written the following facts : 

"Two years and eleven months in the service; more than three thousand 
miles traveled, over one thousand seven hundred of which were performed 
on foot, with knapsack on tlie back and the enemy in tlie front." 

Hoo-ver's Gap, Chickamauga, Mission Ridge, Rocky Face Ridge, Resacca, 
Kenesaw Mountain, Peach Tree Creek, Utoy Creek, Jonesboro', Atlanta, 



— 30 — 

Savannah, and Bentonville, are the battles, leaving unmentioned as too in- 
significant to be taken into consideration at least fifty such skirmishes as 
Phillipi, Rich Mountain, Scarey Creek, and Carnifex iFerry, which, in the 
beginning of the war, when they were fought, were thought to be great bat- 
tles. And these are the glorious inscriptions which we are entitled to write 
upon our flag. 

EIGHT HUNDRED FALLEN. 

Next comes the recital of the most terrible price at which they were pur- 
chased. Nearly. 800 fallen! For, starting out with more than a thou- 
sand as hearty, strong, noble and patriotic men as ever obeyed a country's 
call, we returned to Camp Dennison at the close of the war numbering only 
231, rank and file ; and among them all there could scarce be found a cor- 
poral's guard who could not show where at least one bullet of the enemy 
had struck them. Not all of these 800 missing had fallen in battle, it la 
true, nor perhaps the half of them, for with us, as with all soldiers, the ex- 
posures and privations and over-fatigues were more destructive than the 
enemy's bullet. But whether they had languished and breathed their last 
on the couch in the hospital; or whether finally obtaining a discharge or 
furlough and rea-ching home, their pure spirits bade farewell to their tene- 
ments of clay, and winged their heavenward flight from among tender and 
weeping friends; or whether, as was the almost indescribably sad fate of so 
many of our brave boys, their bodies were wasted and their deaths hastened 
by a barbaric starvation in the still more barbaric prison pens of the South, 
far from friends, without even a shelter over them, denied the slightest at- 
tention and even the kindness of a decent burial; or whether the messen- 
ger of Death found them on the lonely picket and upon an ever-to-be-un- 
known spot, poured out their warm life's blood to sanctify, hallow and to 
make holy; or whether souls went up to God from amid the dust and 
smoke and shot and thunder of battle: it matters not. All must be alike 
enumerated in our mortality list; for all alike, though in so many different 
forms, fell victims to the same great cause. All alike, living sacrifices upon 
their country's altar that their country might live. 

A PLEDGE OF FRIENDSHIP. 

And now my comrades: we who were spared in this terrible havoc; we 
who stood, while so many of our number prematurely went down unto the 
dust of death ; we, who were permitted to survive the battles, tlie marches, 
the toils, the exposures, and all the other hardships and dangers incident to 
a soldier's life; we, who were of that fortunate few who were so highly 
favored as to be allowed to return home again, and enjoy in the bosom of 
families and in the midst of our friends that peace which" our sacrifices and 
valor had achieved; we, who have all this to be thankful for, have gathered 
ourselves together to-day, not for the purpose of parade and glitter and 
show, but only that we may again stand in each other's presence and look 
upon each other's faces; that we may again clasp each other's hand, and 
while recalling and recounting the trials and dangers which we shared and 
passed through in common, have a recommingling of souls, and a refreshing 
and renewing of that friendship which, of all other friendships, is pre-emi- 
nently the first. And. this, the anniversary day of Chickamauga, is ceriainiy 
a most appropriate time for our purpose; for, although duly called me 
elsewhere at the time, so that I do not have the honor of having partici- 
pated in the engagement, yet, in common with every other member of the 
regiment, whether present or not, I can not but feel aglow of pride tingle 



— 31 — 

down my cheek wlien I recall the heroic manner in which, from the beginning 
till the end of the figlit, you battled almost to annihilation against moat 
fearful odds, and finally, rather than desert your position, or yield an- inch 
of ground, you yielded up that which is next dearest to life itself — your ovm 
liberty. 

THE LAND OF THE FKEE. 

And it is because this day was one of such great disaster, as well as great 
glory, that we do well to so emphatically remember it as to make it our 
anniversary upon whicli to come together and repledge our friendship, and 
return our thanks to our Almighty Father, through whose omnipotent care 
we were saved harmless from the ravages by which so many of our most 
gallant officers and bravest men were swept from among us into eternity. 
But the preservation of our lives is not the only nor the great reason why 
we should to-day give thanks. 

It is an unworthy selfishness that would prompt us to rejoice for no bet- 
ter reason than that the storms and dangers of war should have "passed over 
and left us to bask, unharmed, in the sunshine of peace and the security of 
victory. Let us rejoice that our lot should have been cast in the day and 
land when and where the opportunity was afforded us of becoming the in- 
struments, in the hands of a Divine Providence, with which to perform a 
work of sucli lasting benefit, not only to the present generation of mankind, 
but to those of all the ages which are to hereafter follow us. Yes, let 
the joy of our hearts be, that we can to-day recall that when the dark hour 
of peril and great responsibility came upon us/we were equal to the emer- 
gency and met it like men. That, unlike the many, who, under equal obli- 
gations with us, to the lasting disgrace of themselves and their innocent 
children after them, not only miserably, but most criminally, failed, we 
took our lives in our hands and went forth and stood as a wall of fire 
between the institutions of our Government and that enemy which, seek- 
ing the country's overthrow, were working the destruction of the country's 
people; and that in the performance of this duty we not only saved from 
destruction the works of our fathers and founders, but in addition brought 
them to a much higher perfection, by wiping out that great stigma, which, 
so long as it remained and received the recognition and protection of oup 
laws, retarded our development and corroded our morals by giving the lie 
to our boasted professions that here was "the land of the free and the home 
of the brave ; " where the oppressed and down-trodden of every country 
and clime could find a welcome, a refuge, and a home. 

FORAKER AT HOME AND SCHOOL. 

Before Ben Foraker was nineteen years of age he was mustered 
out of the TJ. S. service, — June 14, 1865. 

The war over, the Union preserved, the slave at liberty, and 
young Foraker returned to farm, mill and school, studying at 
Salem, Eoss County. He was two years at the Wesleyan Univer- 
sity, at Delaware, Ohio, and then went to Cornell University, 
graduating in the classical course, July 1, 1869, and in its first 
class. 

With his limited means he was not only assiduous in his academ- 
3 



— 32 — 

ical studies, but at the same time he was also a student at law. A 
dear friend and class-mate says that not only did he study and 
read under high pressure, but on plain fare, at times boarding him- 
self and thus reducing his expenses to the minimum that he might 
eke out his scanty means and finish his entire course. 

He went to Cornell from the University, with a letter from the 
Eev. Dr. Merrick, the then President, honorably dismissing him 
and certifying to his character as a student and as a gentleman, 
"In all respects entirely unexceptionable." 

His literary reputation at college may be somewhat determined 
by the subjects for essays assigned him. His essay upon " Mac- 
beth," published in the Collegian, is modest and yet marks the 
thinker. The student, Foraker, asks why we should read Shaks- 
pearel He refers to human nature all around, as well as in the 
plays of the bard, and that Duncans and Macbeths stalk over 
the land in broad daylight, and that were there fewer men with 
just sense enough to quote Shakspoarc, and no more than to ren- 
der themselves ridiculous by tentative efforts at imitation, our 
writing and oratory would be advanced in respectability, Fora- 
ker's analysis of Macbeth would do credit to an older essayist. 

Jn 1869 he was elected as tbe proper person to write to Senator 
Sumner to deliver an address at Cornell, and to receive the great 
Massachusetts Senator upon his arrival. 

P'oraker is the only man who graduated first in the army, and 
then took college honors. As for his youth, "one ages rapidly," 
said Napoleon, " on the battle-field." 

Major White, of Springfield, thus writes of his record at college: 

" He was a recognized leader amonf^ the students ; probably because of 
his long military experience before entering the college, as he came fresh 
from the battle-field to Delaware. In his studies he was one of the most 
exhaustive students I ever knew, as he always took up a branch of study 
with a view of getting the most complete and comprehensive ideas on it." 

" He was probably the best del)ater in the college. He was a promi- 
nent member of the Zetegathean Society, a literary society of the col- 
lege, and was one of the most prominent members in it. P'oraker was 
always chosen to represent the Zetegatheans in any debate or contest in 
public, and in any literary or forensic contest with a rival society." 

" From the time of entering, while not neglecting his literary studies, 
much attention was given to the study of the law, and his time, study and 
energy were directed toward this end. He was foremost in organizing a 
moot court and mock trials, and invariably acted as Judge, thus giving a 
prophecy of his future career." 

" Foraker was not of the kind to make anecdotes. He was a lively, de- 
termined, studious young man, with a life object m view, and an indomit- 
able will to obtain it. He was little inclined to joking, and was always 
earnest and serious. In the colleFe tricks and pranks he took no part." 



— 33 — 

" He was head of his classes:, and to show how great was his proficiency 
in his studies, I will simply state that he went from the Sophomore Class 
in Delaware, directly to the Senior Class at Cornell, thus jumping a class. 
He followed the classical course at both universities, but made an especial 
effort in all branches having a legal bearing or tendency." 

" He was extremely popular with both pupils and professors. His stu- 
dious, earnest bearing endeared him to all, and made him one of the 
most popular young men in the whole university." 

Judge Yernon, of the Clinton County Republican, says : 

" Foraker and myself were members of the same literary society while 
at college. In the debates, whatever side had Foraker, was almost certain 
to win. He was always a sure, strong fellow." 

THE FLAG CAN't COME DOWN. 

A college mate at Delaware and lawyer at Dayton recalls an- 
incident that well illustrates the effect of Captain Foraker's pres- 
ence. Upon the college campus was a flag-staff brought from 
Camp Dennison, and erected at the expense of the students, who 
were Republicans almost to a man. After some election or na- 
tional event, distasteful to the Democrats, the flag was hoisted to 
the top of the staff, by way of a glorification. In the afternoon of 
that day it was rumored that some Democratic citizens, not stud- 
ents, would lower the flag or cut down the pole that night. The 
"boys arranged to have a couple of watchmen, and upon any hos- 
tile demonstration the chapel bell was to be rung. Sure enough, 
late at night some burly fellows made their appearance upon the 
campus and blustered about what they were going to do. While 
one watchman parleyed with them the other ran to the bell-rope, 
and in ten minutes the campus was black with students. Foraker 
was there, and although only a freshman or sophomore, and by no 
means one of the oldest students, they all instinctively turned to 
him for leadership. He confronted the disturbers, addressed them 
a few decided words in a dignified way, and told them that that 
flag would never be lowered nor the pole cut down. They depart- 
ed. The pole was not thereafter molested. The circumstance 
shows the quality of Foraker, and the estimate in which he was 
held by his companions, and by his political opponents. When 
Foraker said the pole should not be cut down and the flag should 
not be lowered, all knew that Foraker meant to resist the insult to 
the flag with his whole physical power 

MEN AND PHI KAPPA PSI. 

We extract some choice periods from an address of J. B. Fora- 
ker, graduate member of New York Alpha, before the Phi Kappa 
Psi Fraternity, Columbus, Ohio, August 19th and 20th, 1874 : 

"'..., You are here as the representatives of the active working 
members of the fraternity 1 . . Only they who have experienced it can 



— 34-- 

know how sweetly, grandly, and proudly will resurrect themselves in one's 
memory, bringing peace to the troubled mind, teaching its ever noble duty 
where the way is not plain, and lending strength for victory when the soul 
is tempted, those quiet, modest, but diamond-like words, '^ Never forget that 
you are a member of the Phi Kappa Psi fraternity T ' 

• » « * « « * »,• 

" Your duty is not a mere college pastime. Its objects are higher, — 
the symmetrical develop ment of our whole nature. It means men, 
men in the highest sense of the word, men wlio will depart from college to 
the battles of life with honesty of purpose, with appreciation of right, and 
with a power for work that will render the world better. Hence, be dili- 
gent, earnest, brave, honest, and God-fearing — a credit to yourselves, an 
honor to your society, a gain to the world — . . making the mind brighter, 
the heart warmer, and the soul nobler as you pass on to eternity. 

********* 

It is plausibly argued that the world is full of bad people, that lying, 
cheating, and evil generally are prevalent, and therefore 'You must fight 
the devil with fire,' that success must come by the use of like instrument- 
alities. Is this not generally an apology for misguided conduct?" 

" When Sir Francis Bacon bartered away the high honor of the great office 
of Law Chancellor of England, humiliation and disgust sickened every 
true heart of that proud realm. . . . But when the strong arm of the 
people was found sufficient, despite his mighty genius and influence to 
humble this great man, and strip him of the accumulations of his robber- 
ies, confidence in humanity revived and grew stronger, demonstrating not 
the retrogression of mankind, but the abuse of trust by one poor, weak 
public servant. . So with the discovery and punishment of our own 
faithless servants. . . Let us take cheer from the manifestations of vir- 
tue by which the people turn their backs upon their idols, rebuking sin 
and encouraging righteousness." 

After giving much useful advice the Judge said : 

"You may not thus gather wealth — you may not win fame, but your 
mind will know a serenity, your heart a sunshine, and your soul an assur- 
ance, compared with which all the riches and honors of the world are ver- 
iest baubles. Not because you shall be free from storms of trouble, but 
because you shall have the anchor of safety. . . You may be in ad- 
vance of many as to your opinions. Don't seek to avoid censure and crit- 
icism and to destroy your self-respect in an outward approval of the errors 
of the many. Boldly and unhesitatingly maintain your own sentiments. 
The most disgusting, demoralizing, and discouraging feature of entire po- 
litical systems is the abominable demagoguery of truckling to popular sen- 
timent." 

• •*••***• 

LET POLITICS ALONE. 

"Let politics alone" is sounded in the ears of the college graduate. . . 
In this Democratic country of ours every man is charged with a voice in 
the Government. . . If the wicked are put in power, and disaster over- 
take us, will it be a sufficient excuse for the good man that he takes no 
part in politics? . . We must not sleep on guard and be criminally un- 
mindful of our highest duty. . . Have all to do with politics, both un- 



— 35 — 

derstanding and controlling. . . Our surest safety in politics lies in the 
exercise of honesty and intelligence in the formation and presentation of 
public questions." 

DISFRANCHISEMENT OF STUDENTS. 

The Judge in 1868, himself a student, gave to the press his 
views of the disfranchisement of students by the Democratic leg- 
islature. 

"There are about four hundred students attending this univer- 
sity (Delaware), about two hundred are voters. Not more 
than twenty of all are Democrats. The remainder are unqualified 
Union men. I do not know that this is the case with all the col- 
leges of the state. It is so with most ; and I presume the Legislat- 
ure thought it so with all, for in their very great wisdom and 
exceeding /a/^/o/'/j-w, they have thought best to disfranchise us, while 
here as students, hoping thereby te cheat a few Eepublicans out of 
their votes, discourage education, and retard progress and enlight- 
enment, the most deadly enemies with which the Democratic party 
has ever had to contend. 

" But, aside from this view of the matter, the law is certainly 
one of very great injustice and hardship to the students of both 
parties. For why should not the student enjoy the same rights 
that are extended to any other description of temporary inhabit- 
ant? The clerk and the mechanic have but to remain here the time 
required by the statute, and their right to exercise the elective 
franchise becomes unquestionable, whether they are here tempora- 
rily or permanently. And so it should be with all classes of per- 
sons, and any enactments to the contrary are uncalled for and 
unjust. So we must pronounce this act, when we take it by itself; 
but when we couple with it the circumstances and facts to which 
it owes its existence, it becomes particularly offensive, and our 
disapproval ripens into contempt for a body of men who are so lost 
to duty, lost to honor, and lost to conscience, as thus to legislate 
away the dearest of all American rights — the ballot." 

AS A LAWYER. 

He entered the law office of Judge James Sloane, then practic- 
ing in Cincinnati. He was admitted to the bar of Hamilton 
County in the fall of 1869, and at once began practice, with no 
influential friends in the city and without the usual aid of mem- 
bership in some secret or social club. 

" Slow rises worth, by poverty depressed." 

Thus it was with him for a season; but his genial manners, 
indomitable energy, great ability, and stern Christian integrity 



— 86 — 

eventually secured him practice, in every court, from that of the 
local magistrate to the supreme court of the United States. 

Hon. Ben. Eggleston says it was but a short time before the peo- 
ple of that great city saw that he was not an ordinary man; that 
there was something in and about him more than there was in 
ordinary young men. 

Judge Foraker, at the beginning of his law course, wrote, June 
1870, an essay for a Wilmington journal, in which (unintention- 
ally) he gave his personal views of the law as a profession and the 
spirit with which he entered upon its duties. He had no apolo- 
gy for the " infamous Jeffries," nor for " Noy, who by his technical 
quibbling evaded and delayed the ends of justice ; " nor for "Bldon , 
who perverted his legal knowledge and powers to prevent more 
good than any other man had accomplished in a life time." He 
claimed and felt (and thus entered upon his work) that "the work 
of the lawyer is in harmony with, and part of the great labor* of 
carrying humanity forward ; " that his work is not only of pecu- 
niary benefit to mankind," but that the "lawyei's great work, 
properly viewed, is most closely allied to that of the clergy; " that 
lawyers should check and not promote the " perturbations of soci- 
ety;" that they should be leaders in contests for truth, liberty, 
and progress, and be ever on the side of the oppressed. 

HIS MARRIAGE. 

October 4, 1870, Judge Foraker, with the memory of a blessed 
paternal home, married Miss Julia A. P. Bunday, a daughter of 
Hon. Hezekiah S. Bunday, of Jackson, Ohio ; the intimate friend 
of Lincoln, and a member of Congress in the most eventful period 
of our history. This lady he met while she was a scholar at the 
Ohio Wesleyan Female College, at which she graduated in 1868, 
and where she was noted for her high literary attainments. 

God has blessed this sacred union with one son and three daugh- 
ters. 

Mrs. Foraker often ui-ged her husband to prepare an autobiogra- 
phy. The Judge wrote the preface thus : 

" I never liked the idea of autobiographies. For a man to write 
disparagingly of himself cannot be commendable. "It is a mean 
bird that fouls its own nest." If one's career deserves disparage- 
ment, there will be others to afford it. If not, it is at least well 
enough, if not better, to let it go unwritten. 



— 37 — 

On the other hand, if praise is merited, others should sound it. 
To praise oneself will appear egotistic — no matter how deserved. 
To avoid both dispai'agement and praise is diflBlcult, if not well- 
nigh impossible. 

It might be thought these objections could be avoided by a 
mere naked statement of facts, but that is not really true, since 
the mere statement of any given act must carry with it the idea 
thai, accordingly as its nature may be, the author suffers it to re- 
dound to his credit. Entertaining such views, it is in the nature 
of an unpleasant task that I enter upon this short work, and yet 
I undertake it, contradictory as it may seem, in another sense, 
with very great pleasure. I do it at the request of a loving, ad- 
miring and devoted wife ; a wife who by ten years of fidelity, 
affection and devotion to every duty, and by four as bright and 
beautiful children as ever graced any union, has merited and won 
for herself all the confidence and love that belongs to the several 
and hallowed offices of wife and mother. These statements must 
be my apology for these pages. 

The Judge wrote a few lines and never resumed the task. 

FORAKER AT HOME. 

Our public mea should not only be moral and upright men, but men who 
appreciate home life and are examplars of family, as of patriotic sentiment. 
What would our nation be without its homes ? 

Upon entering the home of Judge Foraker, with the home-spirit, and not 
with that of impertinent intrusion, in lifting the purple curtains where his 
weary brain reposes, we find a true home, a true husband, and a true father. 
We exercise no distasteful scrutiny; but, we can not but see a true religious 
and American home. The country more and more demands of our states- 
men that they erect for themselves, pure, virtuous homes. 

The Judge has no sympathy with the sentiment or the law that de- 
stroys the individuality of the wife, or whicli awards greater punishments 
to a woman for the same vice, or which classes women witli infants and idi- 
ots; yet he values the intellectual filtering through the moral nature, giv- 
ing power, maintaining virtue, exercising that subtle influence which makes 
every moment a seed-time of future good, and finding scope for mind and 
heart in the education of the children. He esteems the wife as companion, 
lover, friend and counsellor, having her especial duties as he has his — a di- 
vision of labor. 

JUDGE OF SUPERIOR COURT. 
In April, 1879, he was elected a Jmlge of the Superior Court of Cin- 
cinnatti. He held this office for three years. The kind of record he 
made is best shown by the expressions elicited by his resignation. One 
decision selected at random out of the many that have been published will 
illustrate his logic and style of expression: 



— 38 — 
SUPEEIOE COUET OF CmcINNATI. 

GENERAL TERM, JANUARY 1882. 

Margaret R. Poor, Plaintiff. 

vs. 

Sarah S. Scanlan and Maurice J. Scanlan, Her Husband. 

Foraker, J. : 

This case was reversed upon the evidence. It is an action for rent. 

From the pleadings and the evidence it appears that March ist, 1857, 
the plaintiff, being then the owner thereof, leased a certain lot on the 
north side of Third street in the city of Cincinnati, to George Selves, for 
ninety-nine years, renewable forever. The certificate of acknowledge- 
ment of the lease was not written on the same sheet of paper that the 
lease was written upon, but on a separate sheet attached to the paper the 
lease was written upon, by a common paper fastener. All parties seem, 
however, to be ignorant of this fact until after this suit was brought. Selves 
held possession of the premises under the lease, paying the rents reserved 
therein: $250 every quarter, until his death in 1862. When he died he 
left a will by which he devised to his widow Sarah Selves, now Sarah S. 
Scanlan, the defendant herein, all his real estate for life. She elected to 
take under his will, and at once took possession of this leasehold estate. 
She remained in possession continously until after this action was com- 
menced, paying the rents reserved according to the covenants of the lease, 
until June i, 1878, when she refused to pay the quarter's rent then falling 
due, and offered to surrender the premises, which offer was not accepted. 
She had not paid anything since. In 1869 she married her co-defendant, 
Maurice J. Scanlan, who, jointly with her, has occupied and used the 
premises since, until they quit possession in 1881. 

This action was commenced in 1879, to recover four installments of 
rent that had become due, amountmg to $1,000. The petition simply 
alleged that th-^re was due the plaintiff, from Sarah S. Scanlan and Mau- 
rice J. Scanlan, for rent of the said premises, $1,000, and prayed for 
judgment against the defendants. Nothing was said, either in the style 
of the case or the body of the petition, about the defendants being hus- 
band and wife. No reference was made to the lease, and there was no 
allegation that the wife had a separate estate. The case stood upon this 
petition and a general denial filed thereto, by the defendants, when it 
came on for trial. The facts above mentioned appearing, the plaintifif 
was allowed to re-file an amended petition which she had previously filed 
and withdrawn, in which the facts above stated, except as to the defective 
acknowledgment of the lease, were fully set out, together with allegations 
that the wite had a separate estate, followed by a prayer for judgment and 
appropriate relief. The defendants excepted to the re-filing of this 
amended petition, and thereupon answered, denying all the allegations of 
the amended petition, except that George Selves occupied the premises at 
his death, that Mrs, Scanlan was the devisee of all his real estate for life, 
and that she entered into and held possession of the premises in question 
until 1 88 1, and that she married Scanlan in 1868, also that she held for 
life, under the will of Selves, the real estate described in the petition, as 
her separate estate. Defendants claim that the amended petition ought 
not to have been allowed, because a departure. 



— 39 — 

It is not pretended that defendants were surprised or placed at any dis* 
advantage by it. The provision of our code on this subject is that such 
amendments may be made when in furtherance of justice, and when they 
do not substantially change the claim or defense. Section 51 14. In the 
case of Spice vs. Steinruck, 14th O. S., 213, it was held that this did not 
refer to the form of the remedy, but ortly to the general identity of the 
claim, and, consequently, that it was permissible, as was done in that 
case, to so amend the petition as to change the action, which was to re- 
cover damages for a malicious prosecution, to support which malice and 
want of probable cause had to be shown, to an action for damages for an 
illegal arrest, to sustain which it was not necessary to show malice or 
want of probable cause, but only a ^-ti/V/ process. The amendment in this 
case certainly does not change the claim that is made in the petition. At 
most it but changes the form. It can scarcely be said to fairly do even 
that. It is really nothing more than a statement of the facts of which we 
have the naked legal effect set forth in the petition, with some allegations 
about a separate estate, which according to our view of the case, are only 
so much surplusage. 

Considering the case upon its merits, there are two general propositiona 
relied upon by the defendants. In the first place it is claimed, that because 
Mr. Scaulan was the devisee of this leasehold only for life, she took less 
than the whole term, and she was consequently a sub-lessee, and not an as- 
signee, and if but a sub-lessee, not liable to the lessor for want of privity of 
estate. 

For a second defense it is insisted that the defendant, Mrs. Scanlan, has 
done no act to authorize her separate estate to be charged. 

Either of these propositions would be sufficient for the defendants if it 
could be applied to this case. But in our opinion, neither one has applica- 
tion. 

The first has not, because the instrument intented for a, lease to Selves 
was invalid, as such, by reason of the acknowledgment being written on 
a separate sheet of paper. Winkler vs. Higgins, 9 O. S., 599. It did 
not pass the term to Selves. It was, consequently, at most but an equita- 
ble lease, giving him a right to occupy and enjoy the premises upon the 
terms and conditions named in it, and binding him, as upon personal cov- 
enant, to comply with is terms and conditions, so long as he remained in 
possession. Bridgeman vs. Wells, 13 Ohio, 43. This equitable right was 
all that passed by the devise. And this right defendant took without 

assuming his personal covenant. Her undertaking was by an implied con- 
tract to pay for her use and occupation, so long as she enjoyed the same, 
according to the terms of the lease. This contract was between her and 
the lessor; hence therewas privity of contract at least. 

The second proposition would be unanswerable, if the plaintiff's right to 
recover a judgment depended upon a right to charge Mrs. Scanlan's sep- 
arate estate upon such a contract entered into during coverture. For we 
fully agree witli the claim of her counsel, that in such a case it must be 
shown that she intended to charge her separate estate, and that such in- 
tention was relied upon. But, in our judgment, this is not such a case. 
This is merely an action to recover a personal judgment, and whether or 
not such a judgment shall be rendered, does not depend upon, and is not 
affected by, the question whether or not she at all has a separate estate. 

Mrs. Scanlan was 2Ljeme sole when she took possession of these premises. 



— 40 — 

She was t-herefore competent to contract, and as we have seen, did, by im- 
plication, contract to pay, according to the terms of the lease, so long as 
she remained in possession. Her continued possession, after marriage, as 
well as before, must be referable to her original entering, and must have 
been therefore in pursuance of the contract to which we have alluded as 
thereby made for her by operation of law. Especially do we think so in 
view of the fact that she took possession for life, and hence did not have 
occasion to periodically consider, whether or not she would continue there. 
This being true, she held the premises at the time the rents accrued, for 
which she is now sued, under a contract, which the law made for her when 
she took possession, and which was in force when she married her co- 
defendant, whereby she was obliged to pay the same. It is upon that 
contract that this action is based: a contract therefore substituting at the 
time of marriage; not made during coverture, but before. 

This view is not affected by the fact that her occupation, after marriage, 
was jointly with her husband, since her interest and rights in the property 
under our statute, section 3108, remained her separate estate. 

The case is, therefore, properly stated, an action against husband and 
wife, to recover rents that have become due, during coverture, upon a 
contract made by the wife before marriage, and existing at the time of 
marriage. At common law, marriage made the husband liable for the ex- 
isting obligations of his wife. But in all actions against him to enforce 
them, she must be joined as a co-defendant, without regard to whether she 
had a separate estate or not. Drew vs. Thornt', Aleyn, 72, 7 Term, Rep., 
348. If, therefore, we had no statute on the subject, this action would lie 
against the defendant for a money judgment. 

In such case however, i. e. if there were no statute, the separate proper- 
ty of the wife could not be taken to satisfy the judgment. But in such 
actions we have instead of a common law rule that the wife must be joined 
with the husband, sec. 4996, of rev. statues, which requiresthe husband 
to be joined with the wite. And instead of the wife's separate estate 
being exempt from liability to be taken to satisfy the judgment we have 
it expressly made liable by section 31 10, which provides that " the sepa- 
rate property of the wife shall be liable to be taken for any judgment ren- 
dered in an action against husband and wife, upon a cause existing against 
her at their marriage, etc." 

The language of this section has been changed somewhat since the case 
of Westerman ?;s. Westerman, 25 O. S., 500, where it was constructed to 
mean that the wife's separate property was not only liable to be taken in 
such case, but that as between her, and her husband's property, it was 
primarily liable, but the change has only made it more apparent that the 
legislative intent agreed with the construction of the Court. 

Our conclusion is that this is an action against Mrs. Scanlan ana her 
husband on a contract obligation of hers, existing at their marriage, that 
it is immaterial whether she intended to charge her separate estate or not, 
and that judgment should be rendered for the plaintiff ; Jas. H.Perkins 
and D. H. J. Holmes, attorneys for defendants. 

THE TRUE MAN. 

We desire not to study Joseph Benson Foraker as a lawyer, sol- 
eier, or scholar, but to discover the man in the conduct of the 



— 41 — 

lawyer, judge, soldier, and scholar. We study his briefs and 
charges and speeches to see how he links himself with broad hu- 
manity, to discover why men and women, citizens and soldiers 
trust him, and honor him. Thus we present the remarkable ad- 
dress that Judge Foraker delivered in raemoriam before the Dis- 
trict Court at Hillsborough, Ohio, upon the death of Judge Sloan, 
with whom Judge Foraker was formerly a law student. 

JUDGE SLOANE. 

Among his embarassments in delivering the address he said, 
"that Judge Sloan was unlike any man of his acquaintance." 

"On account of some of his peculiar traits of character, T know him to 
be a greatly misunderstood man by a majority, I think, of the people who 
professed to be acquainted with him. And knowing him to have been 
thus misunderstood, I fear there may be those who will regard at least a 
part of what I shall say in praise of his character as mere empty and ful- 
some eulogy, instead of earnest and honest testimony. 

I have no desire, or interest either, to speak in this matter aught save the 
strictest truth ; and I know that he for whom I speak had so much truth in 
his heart, that he would utterly despise the slightest deviation therefrom, 
no matter how much that deviation might favor his memory in the estima- 
tion of men. 

Therefore, I feel perfectly free, as well as conscientiously obligated, to 
say here to-day, as I have frequently said to the deceased in his lifetime, 
that there were certain striking features in his outward character that were 
objectionable, in the most serious sense of the word ; for I considered them 
immoral and pernicious in their influences. 

But for these tilings Judge Sloane is not answerable to us. That settle- 
ment must take place between him and that highest, wisest, and kindest 
Judge of all. . . . Let us remember that humane injunction of the 
Savior, "Judge not, that ye be not judged." 

It was my fortune to know Judge Sloane well. I knew him for a num- 
ber of years, and in a variety of relations. I think the majority of even 
this community, where he lived and died, never knew him except as I first 
knew him, and by all such Judge Sloane was not really known at all ; for I 
first knew him only as a great, intellectual, legal giant, upon whom, when 
he went forth into public places, I, in common with others, was at liberty 
to look; and, if he chanced to pass my way, the compliments of the day 
might perhaps be deferentially exchanged. Closer than this I felt that I 
dared not, and I know that I desired not, to go; for there seemed to be a 
kind of Ishmaelitish coldness and bitterness about the man that rendered 
him uninviting to all except his personal friends, who knew iiim well, or 
such as might stand in need of his splendid talents. 

In short, as I have already stated, I thought him only a cold, selfish, am- 
bitious, intellectual giant ; and had I never come closer to Judge Sloane, 
his loss would not now concern me much ; for 1 have long since learned that 
there are giants in these as well as in those days, and that the places of 
giants simply are easily supplied. 

FRIEND, PRECEPTOR, ASSOCIATE. 

But I shall always be glad that it was within God's providence that I 
should know Judge Sloane better. His great abilities as a lawyer led me 



to suflBciently subordinate my objections to him personally to enable me to 
take a place as a student in his office. My association and connection with 
him, in some manner, was uninterrupted from that time until the day of 
his death. And I can say now, tliat in all the relations of a friend, a pre- 
ceptor, as associate, and as opposing counsel, I have ever found him to be 
the very soul of honor. 

He was the very body of truthfulness itself. I don't believe the man 
ever told a lie in his life. And when I remember how my daily experience 
teaches me that "the world is given to lying," I feel that absolute truthful- 
ness is a rare and an extraordinary virtue to be ascribed to any man. 

But Judge Sloane was not simply a truthful man. He was as honest. 

I don't mean that Judge Sloane was honest merely in money matters^ 
The country is full of people who pay back all they borrow, and pay for 
all they buy, and take not, unlawfully, that which belongs to another. 
There are a thousand reasons why a man should be honest in these respects, 
and a thousand reasons why a man deserves no credit for such honesty. 

Judge Sloane was honest in that higher, and better, and braver .sense of 
the word. He was honest in the sense that honesty is the equivalent to 
truthfulness. There was no sham about him — no hypocrisy — no deception 
— no false pretense — no borrowed capital — no sailing under false colors. 
Whatever he pretended or appeared to be, that he was. If he manifested a 
spirit of friendliness toward any one, it was a genuine spirit, and the person 
toward whom it was manifested could rely on it to tlie fullest extent. And 
on the other hand, if he disliked any one, if was a genuine dislike, but the 
person disliked need have no difficulty in learning tlie facts in the case. 

In other words, whatever he was that he was earnev^tly, fearlessly, and 
outspokenly, and whatever he believed, he believed earnestly, and what 
he didn't believe earnestly he didn't believe at all. He was no reed to be 
shaken by the wind. 

Judge Sloane was also a kind and generous man. I do not mean kind 
and generous to the rich, for that would be easy for any man to be ; nor to 
his equals, nor to the well-to-do classes — from all which sources he might 
reasonably have expected some benefit in return. Nor do I mean that he 
•was kind and genero.us in public places, where his acts of kindness and gen- 
erosity would be seen and known of all men. But he was kind and gener- 
ous in a way that showed his kindness and generosity to be genuine. He 
was kind and generous privately rather, and to the poor and lowly, from 
whom he could not possibly expect anything in return. 

HIS CHARITY. 

I well remember, and shall never forget an incident that occurred in his 
office at Cincinnati, while T was a student with him. Hardly a day passed 
witnout from one to a half-dozen beggars coming into the ofhce, with their 
various stories of poverty and destitution. 

The city of Cincinnati cares and provides well for all who are really 
needy, and on this account it is rarely the case that any one who knows it, 
as Judge Sloane did, gives anything at all to that class of mendicants. 

It was to my surprise, therefore, that day after day I observed that he 
never refused a single application, but patiently and kindly listened to th© 
appeals of all, and gave something to every single one. 

One day I ventured to call his attention to the matter, and to suggest 
that perhaps he was being imposed upon. There was a perfect sermon of 
genuine religion and Christianity in his reply, that, "he had long since 



— 43 — 

come to the conclusion, that it was better to be imposed upon in many 
cases, than to turn away empty even one worthy applicant." 

But Judge Sloane was kind in another respect. He was kind to the 
young practitioner. And standing here to-day, as in some measure the rep- 
resentative of the younger members of the bar, you will excuse me if I ask 
a special remembrance of this trait of his character. .... 

It should not be any uncommon virtue, yet we all know that it too truly 
is. Every young man who starts in the profession of the law must en- 
counter difSciiIties und perplexities, and troubles of various kinds. . . 

. . When the country was imperiled and brave hearts were needed at 
the front, he was the first of all our citizens to appreciate the situation and 
to step forward with both his services and his blood. "... 

Of Judge Sloane as a lawyer I shall say but little. We all know how he 
towered among us; and how his mind was exceptionally remarkable for its 
power of discernment, analysis, and logical reasoning. .... 

. . We know, too, how, with an almost uncommon fidelity, he at all 
times maintained the interests of his clients. . . . But for that "grievous 
fault," for which he was continually "grievously answering," he would in 
all probability have risen to national importance. ..... 

When we consider the turbulent times through which we have just 
passed, the great fields of national usefulness that they presented, and the 
rich honors that have been therein gathered by others; and when we 
further consider his splendid abilities, his scrupulous honesty, and his un- 
swerving patriotism, who can feel otherwise than that it was a genuine 
misfortune both to the country and himself, that Judge Sloane did not figure 
in national affairs. ..... 

. . . But regrets are vain. His life has been lived; his record is 
made. . . By his sad loss let us be freshly and impressively reminded of 
the importance of correctly living while we do live, of making the most of 
time while we have it, both for this world and eternity. 

AN HONEST OFFICER. 

In the fall of 1876, Judge Baxter, of the U. S. Circuit Court, 
appointed Foraker to the delicate and responsible position of 
Chief Supervisor of Elections for the Southern District of Ohio. 
Again he made a personal sacrifice of feeling and business in the 
interest of his country and party, and of the purity of the ballot. 
He administered its duties so fairly that even the Democrats, in 
their Congressional investigations, made record of his honorable 
integrity as the officer of the lavr. 

Judge Foraker, by common consent, was agreed upon by men of 
all parties, and endorsed by the Judge for chief supervisor by rea- 
son of his purity, integrity, and courage, as " worthy, honorable 
and true in every respect, who would desire nothing but a free, 
fair, straightforward election, and as down on all fraud, and down 
on all men who undertake to cast an illegal vote, or import votes 
from any State to Ohio, or from any ward or precinct to any 
other." 

It is remarkable that in the canvass to be hotly contested, abd 
amid the anxieties of candidates and parties for victory, Judge 



— 44 — 

Foraker was the only person upon whom all, Democrats and Re- 
publicans could harmonize. It is an enviable tribute to honest 
and moral worth. 

In the spirit of eminent fairness, Judge Foraker, as chief super- 
visor, asked Mr. Sayler, as chairman of the Democratic elective 
and campaign committees, to present the names of Democrats as 
supervisors. He said that he desired to have "all parties fairly rep- 
resented, and by only good, honest, representative men, who will 
perform their duties solely in the interest of an honest election, 
and without regard to partizan advantages." 

In the course of the correspondence with the obstructives of the 
law to promote pure elections, Judge Foraker took occasion to de- 
clare that the government of the United States could not only 
protect itself ag?in8tan armed rebellion, but could protect itself 
against fraud and abuse at the ballot-box. 

The character of Judge Foraker is seen in his instructions to 
his subordinate supervisors. After a minute examination of their 
duties and methods so as to cover almost every conceivable case, 
he declares that their duties are " to secure an honest, full and free 
expression of the voice of the people. This is of far greater im- 
portance than the success of any party or candidate. Yoa are the 
representatives of all parties and all candidates, and your work is 
in the interest of the whole people — for law, order and good gov- 
ernment. You will, therefore, carefully abstain from all election- 
eering, discussion and controversy." 

Such an administrator of law may be safely trusted in any ex- 
ecutive position. 

Foraker was nominated for Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, in 
1867, but was defeated by the notorious Eph. Holland frauds of that year. 
The confidence of the Republican Community in Judge Foraker was again 
evinced in his nomination for County Solicitor, in 1868. This was with- 
out his knowledge and against his wishes, but he served his party and his 
country, when he knew that he would suffer defeat. 

RESIGNATION. 

Upon the announcement in Cincinnati that Judge Foraker contemplated 
leaving the bench, the strongest remonstrances were made by the legal 
fraternity and by lay friends, without regard to party. They insisted 
upon his retaining the position, and the taking of a long vacation until his 
health had been regained ; that his health had been lost in public service 
and that the vacation was his right. Bvit his sensitive nature would not 
permit his receiving the least portion of salary for which no current equiv- 
alent was rendered. After the resignation had been forwarded to Colum- 
bus, telegrams were sent to the governor urging its non-acceptance. Among 
them were those from Hons. Force, Hoadley, Perry, Kettredge, and War- 
rington. 



— 45 — 

NO WORK, NO PAY. FORAKER's MAXIM. 

Mr. Eggleston thus describes his interview with Judge Foraker 
as to his resignation : 

" No, Mr. Foraker, they [Democrats and Eepublicans of the 
bar] say they will not permit you to resign ; that you must take 
a six month's vacation, and keep your seat. What do you think 
thai potest young man said? 'Why,' said he, 'Mr. Eggleston, it 
would look like stealing for me to take the salary and be absent 
from my duty; and I can not do it.' " 

From many letters upon Judge Foraker's resignation we select 
but a few to furnish appreciatory extracts. 

From J udge Harmon : 

"... Sorrow was the first feeling; and it still fills my mind. . . I can 
only say, God go with you wherever you go, and compensate me by many 
years of friendship for the few years of official companionship I amto lose. 
... In the three years we have spent together here I have come to love 
you as a brother. I long since passed the point of mere respect and admi- 
ration. I consider you as one of those iriends a man rarely makes when he 
has reached our age — a friend who not only fills the romantic idea of youth, 
but meets the requirements of mature judgment. . . I am sad and lonely 
. . . Knowing it can not remain a secret, I mentioned it to some friends 
of the bar. Tlie feeling is unanimous that the bjnch and bar sustain a 
great loss in your leaving the bench. They talk of petitioning you to re- 
consider, etc. . . Judge Hoadly and others have telegraped the gov- 
ernor . . ." 

From Judge Worthington : 

"... I can not express my regret, and that of every member of the 
bar I have met and they have been many. If in one year of judicial serv- 
ice that opens before me I can gain tiie confidence and respect of the bar to 
one third of the extent that it has been given to you ... I shall feel 
highly gratified." 

Judge O'Connor, who expressed his regret at the resignation 
of Judge Foraker, and the cause of it, hoped that he would 

recall it, and take rest and travel ; that "the superior court is so 
advanced in work that absence would be without the slightest det- 
riment to the public, or if at a s'ight disadvantage, the ])ublic loss 
would be nothing compared with its loss" if the resignation is 
persisted in. The Judge said: 

"I know the feeling among the bar is unanimous that there would be 
irreparable injury in losing you from the bench; and they are also unani- 
mous in wishing you to t^ake the necessary rest and vacation. Therefore I 
hope you will regard these earnest wishes of your friends, the bar, and 
the public and withdraw your resignation. Do not hesitate on account of 
any idea of false delicacy about receiving your salary while absent from the 
court house. The public, not only would not so regard it, but would look 
upon it as the only proper course to take The public could far better 



— 46 — 

afford to pay you many months salary than to lose your services, when you 

will, in all probability, be able tx) resume your duties, with all your ability, 

vigor, and usefulness, in the fall." 

Judge Force telegraphed Judge Foraker from Washington City : 
" I have telegraphed the governor not to accept your resignation. Judge 

Harmon and I will keep up your work." 

From an eminent lawyer of Cincinnati: 

"... Your leaving will be a great public loss. . . I would comfort 
you in this hour of need and of peace. 1 can only lead you tO Him who 
has said, 'Come unto me and I shall give you rest.' " 

From another lawyer of Cincinnati: 

' " . . . I always found you to be the same good-hearted friend, trying to 
help every one.'' 

The Gazette, (Cin.) April 12, 1882: "Judge Foraker has earned the ad- 
miration of the best practitoners at the bar by his promptness and ability." 

The Commercial i^md, April 12th: "One of the ablest and most popular 
men on the State Bench. * ' His retirement is a public loss.' " 

The Enquirer, April 12th : "Able, fair, and universally respected. His 
loss will be deeply felt and deplored." 

Law Bulletin: "Industrious, pains-taking, conscientious, . . . working 
out with care and good discernment all the questions submitted to hia 
judgment." 

Penny Post: "An able, conscientious, upright judge. 

Times-Star: " Very sincerely and generally regretted." 

Volksfreund: "Regretted by judges, lawyers, and the whole public. . .'* 

foraker's briefs. 

Foraker's briefs as a lawyer are remarkable for seizing the sali- 
ent points and presenting his case with no superfluous verbiage. 
His decisions as a judge are eminently perspicuous, composed in 
pure English, conforming to the use which is natural and reputa- 
ble and present, and manifesting a remarkable disposition to state 
the whole case, using the methods of logic leading to the conclu- 
sion. A learned jurist remarked that for a judge of his few years 
in life and at the bar, his decisions and their presentation are unex- 
celled, and are indeed models of their kind ; that he is " able to 
see the point in a case and to state the conclusions in a clear and 
concise manner. He is a sound, forcible reasoner, and has good 
judgment. He has never debased himself or degraded his friends 
in seeking office." 

His charge to the jury in a case of popular interest has been 
quoted as a remarkable example of legal acd evidential analysis. 
Its conclusion illustrates the character of the man, in whom the 
public is now much interested : 

" 1 need not say that you have nothing to do with consequences. 
I will not call your attention to the fact that you are not to con- 



— 47 — 

aider the person of the plaintiff, nor of defendant. Courts and 
juries can accomplish the purposes of their creation by only con- 
scientiously doing their duty, without regard to parties or results." 
Thus spoke the incorruptible judge, uninfluenced by wealth of 
the parties or by popular considerations. 

ALWAYS A REPUBLICAN. 

Foraker was a Kepublican youth and his first vote was cast for 
Eepublican candidates. 

Senator Sherman says Judge Foraker has carried the Republican 
"banner in war and in peace, without halting by the wayside. 

Judge Foraker did not regard the Republican party as an asso- 
ciation to obtain the spoils of office, but as born of the conscience 
of the people ; its motive, justice ; its purpose, to restore the gov- 
ernment to it original lines, moving forward with the boldness of 
earnest conviction, denouncing slavery as an outrage and a crime, 
assailing the doctrine that capital should own labor, seeing in tho 
constitution abundant power to repress slavery, promote educa- 
tion, foster industry, encourage internal improvement, establish 
free homesteads and promote free discussion. He did not regard 
the victory of 1860 as a transfer of power from the Democratic to 
the Eepublican party, but as the beginning of a new life, which 
conquered the great rebellion, raised an army, constructed a navy^ 
maintained the public credit, destroyed slavery, and provided for 
development. He says our wonderful prosperity has not come by 
chance, but is the effect of tho political logic of the Eepublican 
party of 1860. 

NO SPOILS OP OFFICE. 

Judge Foraker could not consistently vote witk the Democratic 
party, as he did not seek the spoils of office. He could not 
vote with the Democratic party, because of its views of the States 
and the Constitution ; because the Democratic party asserted state 
sovereignty at the command of the slave power; because the Dem- 
ocratic party brought on the war of secession; because the Demo- 
cratic party (though many individual Democrats were patriotic) 
opposed the subduing of the rebellion and enforcing the unity of 
the Republic J and because Democratic orgatiizations resisted the 
4 



— 48 — 

measures of the Government. He could not join the Democratic 
party because its last administration of affairs brought the govern- 
ment to the verge of bankruptcy, had defied the constitution in 
eleven states, and arrayed an army against the nation ; because 
the party had never apologized for its errors nor retracted its opin- 
ions ; because this party was the enemy of free elections and of a 
pure ballot, the enemy of American industry. He realized that 
the patriotic element of the Democratic party had largely come 
into the Eepublican party, and that the Democratic party had 
become an artifice for office — controlled and manipulated by 
office-hunters ; that the Democratic party had ceased to exist, in 
the sense of a body of citizens formed around a political question 
to effect a political object by ivnited action to that political end, 
and that the last act of the party organized to uphold and enlarge 
the area of slaverj^ was to organize a rebellion of slave provinces 
in support of its political idea, and that the Democratic party was 
without reason of existence after the rebellion was crushed and 
now it exists by force of habit, inherited prejudice, or appetite for 
office. 

FREEDOM AND CIVIL RIGHTS. 

Supporting the war as a soldier, in times of peace he favored 
reconstruction measures to secure the fruits of victory and to es- 
tablish the freedona and civil rights of the late slaves. In 1874, 
Judge Foraker, at a Kepublican mass meeting at Cincinnati, on 
the civil rights question, said : 

" The object of this bill is to prevent masked marauders from burning 
negro school-houses, shooting negro school teachers, and keeping this in- 
nocent and inoffensive people in a state of terror, which retards their de- 
velopment and corrupts and demoralizes society and politics in a hundred 
ways. And it is right, and the Republican party is for it because it is right. 

" When in Columbus the other day, I stood in our capitol building and 
looked with admiring gaze upon that magnificent painting, which adorns 
its walls, of " Perry's Victory on the Lake." There, in the midst of the 
death-storm of that terrible conflict, as gallant looking as any one ol 
the brave faces surrounding the Commodore, is a full-blooded representa- 
tive of the African race. And thus it has always been since our govern- 
ment was founded, on land and on sea, in adversity and prosperity, 
through peace and through war, this race has been ever present with uSp 
and never once has its faith faltered, its devotion lagged, or its courage 
failed. * 



— 49 — 

" They have justly earned their citizenship, and they have earned it in 
such a way as that for us not to protect them in it would be the basest in- 
gratitude and wrong — ingratitude and wrong for which the nation would 
deserve to sink to rise no more." 



JUDGE FORAKER's NOMINATION 

Judge Foraker's nomination for governor w&b spontaneous in 
Bouthern Ohio, and soon became popular throughout the State as 
candidates were canvassed. It was not sought for by Foraker. 
No efforts were made to secure the nomination. No whiskey nor 
unworthy devices, and no money were employed to affect votes. 
No certificates was furnished that he "satisfied his appetite for 
spirituous liquors," and that he was " neither a temperance man 
nor a Sunday fanatic." 

When it came to the serious determination of the large and able 
convention gathered from all over the State, there was but one 
voice and but one unanimous acclamation for the farmer and soldier 
boy of Eocky Creek. 

NOBLE TESTIMONY. 

The following extracts from an interesting correspondence be- 
tween the colored people and Judge Foraker, shows the grateful 
regard of the former and the noble sentiments of the Judge, who 
places suffrage upon pure manhood, and who bears his testimony 
for the Christian religion and for a pure domestic life. 

The Judge regards the building up of families as the epitomized 
history of the American people for more than two hundred years 
— the central idea at Jamestown, at Plymouth Rock, at Charles- 
town, at Philadelphia, at Baltimore ; by the Puritans, by the Cav- 
aliers, by the Quakers, and by the Roman Catholics ; the family, 
the social, and the political unit of America. 

The colored people invited the Judge to a camp-meeting. They 
said, (June 19, 1883): 

" We are religious people of color, and are Methodists. We remember 
those who have labored for our cause in the political field and on the field 
of battle. Joshua Giddiugs was not a Methodist, yet he was an Ohio cham- 
pion of our cause. Salmon P. Chase was an Episcopalian, yet he never 



— 50 — 

wavered in his devotion to the cause of our emancipation and elevation. 
"We shall never forget the late Speaker of the House and our Republican 
Representatives, who carried on the memorable struggle for a fair count and 
a free ballot, and which seated our brethren, Smalls and Lynch. We are 
not ignorant as to your history and your early devotion on tlie battle field 
to the cause of our race. We have read your speeches and we trust you. 

We know your mother to be a plain, old-fashioned Methodist, and we be- 
lieve you to revere her religious principles. 

Now can you not come up and give us an address of advice and encour- 
agement? 

********* 

To this the Judge replied : 

Cincinnati, June 23, 1883. 

Rev. and Deak Sirs:— Your kind letter of June 19, I find before me 
upon my return to the city. Make my apology to your associates for my 
seeming neglect. 

It is now so very late in the week, and my previous engagements for thia 
day and to-morrow are of such a character, that it is impossible for me 
to accept the invitation ,so kindly extended. Please return my thanks to 
your associates and the laity assembled, and express to them my apprecia- 
tion, not only of their courtesy, but, also, of the good work in which they 
are engaged. 

If our colored brethren will but continue in the future to cultivate relig- 
ion and morality as tliev have in their free past, the day is not far dis- 
tant when they will have conquered all prejudices that may have arisen, 
because of their being changed from serfs to citizens. , 

Religion and well-ordered domestic life, are the foundation of good and 
stable government. Without- them the blessings of liberty and prosperity 
may be lost to us in anarchy and despotism. 

The purity of the ballot box must be preserved. The franchise bestowed 
upon the men of your race because of their manhood, and not because of 
their color, must be enjoyed by you without fear or menace all over our 
land. With sentiments of regard, I am 

Yours truly, J. B. Foraker. 

Robert Harlan wrote June 15, 18S3: 

"I know of my own personal knowledge that he has alway.s been an ear- 
nest friend and supporter of my race in its struggle for its riglits, 

I remember well to have heard him make a speech to a mass meeting at 
Lower Market in this city, in 1874, when the civil rights bill was pending, 
in which he took a strong ground in favor of it, saying it was right, and 
that the Republican party could not hesitate about making it a law." 

This is a portion of the speech of Judge Foraker alluded to by 
Mr. Harlan : ^ 

CIVIL BIGHTS BILL. 

Another question about which the Democratic soul is troubled, is the 
Civil Rights Bill. This is not to be wondered at, however, for the poor, 
innocent colored man has always been a "bugaboo" to the Democracy. 
They have always been the enemy to this unfortunate race, and I suppose 



— 51 — 

we can always count upon their opposition in advance to any proposition 
looking to the improvement of their condition. 

The Civil Rights Bill does not confer upon the colored man a single legal 
right which he does not already posses?. 

For every colored man in this country has already the full legal right to 
sleep and eat in any hotel in the land, ride upon any common carriage, at- 
tend any public school, in short, do and enjoy any and all things that any 
other American citizen as such, can enjoy. Here in the North he enjoys 
these rights. The Civil Rights Bill does not tlierefore affect us here. But 
throughout the south the colored man is still called a " niggah," and he ia 
not only denied these rights, but he is unceremoniously and unhumanly 
murdered and outraged if he dares to insist upon them. 

The negroes have been made free and have been made citizens, and 
clothed with all the rights and powers that pertain to the American citi- 
zens. It is unnecessary to rehearse the process and causes whereby this re- 
sult has been reached. Sufficient it is to say that even the Democracy, in 
order to secure any favor whatever before the people, have been compelled 
to recognize the propriety and justness of this action, so earnest are the 
people in their approbation of it. And even the Democracy have been 
compelled to pledge themselves to maintain this condition of things, and 
take no step backward. If it was right then, as the whole country says it 
was, to make a citizen out of a negro, it is not only right now, but the duty 
of the government to secure him in the enjoyment of all that the title car- 
ries with it. 



Young Men's Candidate. 



Jndge Foraker, as the young men's candidate, is a bright exam- 
ple to young men of the fruits of an honest, industrious, studi- 
ous, temperate, patriotic, filial, and even religious life ; that there 
is something that gives success earlier than strong liquors, money, 
and demagoguism Our first voters, our young men, will judge 
of Foraker by his life and his acts as they will judge of the party 
of which he is now the accepted leader in Ohio. Judge Foraker 
with his party fought for and maintained the integrity of the 
Union against secession and state-rights. He wi;h the Republican 
party declared slavery a curse ; was with it for the freedom of all 
men and in clothing more than four million slaves in the garb of 
liberty and the full rights of citizen manhood. He was on the 
battle-field, when the party now opposing him declared the war a 
failure and was demanding an ignoble peace. He fought against 



— 52 — 

tue party that would have purchased peace at any price, at the 
expense of justice and the freedom of the slaves. He represents a 
party that turned out the rascals twenty years ago — turned out 
those who stole the money in the treasury; the rascals who 
rifled the arsenals, and who attempted to annihilate the Union. 
He is to day opposed to turning in the rascals who have caused 
the distress of our war, taxation, and the life sorrow of our house- 
holds by the loss of father and brother and son. 

IS HE UNKNOWN? 

It will thus be seen that Judge Foraker is not an unknown man 
and is not without an enviable record; that he is known to the 
tioldiers for his gallant bravery; that he is known as a lawyer at 
one of the strongest bars in the United States; that he is known 
as an able and careful jurist; that he is known to the colored peo- 
ple for his bold and strong advocacy of their rights ; that he is 
known as the friend of the mechanic and of the laborer and of 
the farmer ; that he is known among the students and graduates of 
colleges; that he is known where sweet domestic life is valued; 
that he is known as a man of Christian integrity and of Christian 
principle; that he is known as the incorruptible politician, who 
seeks no office and wins no. distinction by vile methods and the 
improper use of money; that he is known in his own county, in. 
the chief city of Ohio, throughout the state, and is becoming 
known all over this land, not as a rich man and not as a mere 
politician ; and that he is unknown as Lincoln was, as Grant was, 
as Haj's was, — and to be known as the next Governor of Ohiol 

A Georgia paper candidly admits that Judge Foraker "has proved 
that he has in him the stuff of which governors are made. He is 
not afraid of the people. He appeals like a man to their reason 
and conscience, and discusses public affairs with the power of a 
master in reasoning and debate. 

Senator Sherman thus spoke : 

"Judge Foraker, the nominee of the Republican party, is a Republican 
soldier, who, as such, served his country when he was young. He has 
since been educated by his own efforts, and has attained an honorable 
distinction as a lawyer and a judge. His speeches are clear, bold, and 
manly, and express without evasion the principles of the Republican 
party — in favor of the protection of American labor, and in favor of the 



—53 — 

taxing the traffic in liquor and beer. In his speeches there is nothing 
evasive or uncertain," 

Hon. Mr. Townsend, thus : 

"Foraker, by his clear, practical, plain, common sense reasoning, is taking 
-wonderful hold of the people. He is a fine stump-speaker. He never uttera 
what can embarrass him or the cause of truth." 

Gen. Gibson, thus: 

"I regard him as one of the most successful campaign orators Ohio has 
ever produced. He speaks with ease and grace, his words are well chosen, 
sincere and impressive, and have an effective influence upon his audience. 
He comes before tlie public unpreceeded by a great reputation, and his 
hearers are astonished that they never knew him before. His character is 
perfect, his record clear, and his ability large. He is the cleanest and bf'*t 
man for Governor the State has known for thirty years, and, possibly, ex- 
cepting John Brough, the ablest stumper. I told Hoadly when he was .it 
my house in Tiffin, a sliort time ago, that he would suffer defeat if he allowed 
himself to go before the people in a joint discussion with Foraker. 

Hon. General Noyes, late minister to France, said to the people 

of the Scioto Yalley, in mass meetincr assembled: 

"The Republican party on the other hand, proud of its past and confi- 
dent of its future, has consistently placed iu nomination a man who was 
born a Republican, and who has remained one all his life; a Union soldier 
wlio has fought for his country, with a gun to his shoulder and a knapsack 
on his back; one who did not seek the nomination for Governor, but whom 
the office sought; a brilliant lawyer, an able debater, an upright, patriotic 
gentleman. Having called him away from a successful practice of his pro- 
fession, we propose to elect him. What the future have in store we can not 
tell, but we may be sure Judge Foraker will deserve whatever honor may be 
in reserve for him." 

THE PEOPLE IN EARNEST. 

As we go to press, these are specimen reports from the meetings 
Judge Foraker is addressing : 

Lancaster, O., Sept. 3. 

" Judge Foraker addressed one of the finest and largest mass meetings 
here this afternoon that has been held in this city for years. Everybody 
was surprised at the great crowd, which exceeded any meeting held during 
the last Presidential campaign. The City Hall was packed to its utmost 
capacity, hundreds being turned away for want of room. The Judge's 
speech was another of his masterly arraignments of the Democratic party, 
and held the vast audience enrapt until its close. He explained at 
length and to their satisfaction the wool issue, showing just what it was, 
and what the opposition were trying to make of it. He also showed by his 
matchless argument just how impossible it is for Democratic success to 
be permanent. 

One old Democrat who was an attentive listener to the Judge's address, 
said he did not wonder that Hoadly was sick ; his only surprise w&s that he 
was alive at all. 



— 54 — 

He told what he had seen and heard among both Republicams and Dem- 
ocrats throughout the State, and gave the people a clear understanding of 
the true status of affairs. Foraker's facts and figures consummately upset 
the Democratic wool bugaboo, and clearly demonstrated what a ludicrous 
farce the whole thing is. It was a splendid speech, and has left a telling 
effect." 

From Zanepville, Sopt. 4 : 

"Judge Foraker addressed the greatest hall meeting ever held in this 
city. Never before in local annals have voters manifested so great a willing- 
ness to endure the discomforts of a crowd." 

We novs^ supplement the foregoing by extracts ^rom addresses of 
Judge Foraker, iurther illustrating the man and his principles. 

The follovi^ing was delivered at a Banquet at the Burnett House, 
given to the Loyal Legion of Philadelphia, Pa., February 3, 1883, 
in response to the toast : 

"OHIO." 

Mr. Commander and Fellow-Companions: 

No matter wiiat the occasion may be, it is always a great pleasure to an 
Ohio man to talk about Ohio. Particularly is this true of what may be 
termed these war occasions, such as this to-night. For great as our state is 
considered to be in area, business, population, art, and education, in all that 
pertains to the civilization and improvement of mankind, slie is transcend- 
antly greater still in all that relates to the part taken by her in the great 
struggle. From the firing of the first gun on Fort Sumterj until the sur- 
render of Lee at Appomattox, she was continually at tlie very fore front, 
side by side with Pennsylvania, and the best and bravest of her sister states. 
Her sons displayed their valor, poured out their blood, and laid down their 
lives on every battle-field of the war. And I need not repeat in this pres- 
ence that she contributed to our cause in that contest vastly more than her 
two hundred regiments of gallant fi^rhting men. There are some names 
that have become as familiar as household words, the world over, in wliich 
she claims an especial interest — names around which cluster all the daz- 
zling glories oftriumphant war, — names, also, at the mere mention ofwhich 
is suggested all that is implied by the highest, purest, and most successful 
accom'plishments of enlightened statesmanship. For while Pennsylvania 
was giving us Mead and Hancock and brave John Reynolds, Ohio was 
givingtothe country, and to the cause of humanity, not only Grant and 
Sheridan, Sherman and McPherson, but Chase and Wade and Stanton, 
also. And these illustrious names I have mentioned barely begin the 
long list of her scarcely less distinguished soldiers and statesmen who in 
that great trial won imperishable renown in field and cabinet. 
OHIO EVER DISTINGUISHED. 

As proof conclusive that our success then was based on merit, that the 
war was merely an exceptional opportunity, we have been no less dis- 
tinguished since. This is shown by smaller as well as by greater things. 

When a year or two ago the Messrs. Scribners undertook the issue of 
campaign histories of the war, to be written by different persons, in twelve 
volumes, and cast about to see who from the thirty-eight states of the 
Union should be selected as the most fit for the important work, the result 
was that four of the twelve volumes were allotted to Ohio. 

"Continually since the war, of our Supreme Court, the highest, judicial 



tribunal in the land, consistins; of nine members, we have had two of the 
number, and one of them the Chief Justice. And during all this while we 
have ha(i both the General and the Lieutenant-General of the Army; and 
during almo.st all this time we have held at least a fair share of the most 
important heads of departments, and of the most important posts of repre- 
sentation abroad. 

And, notwithstanding this every excess of favor, we have been twice 
called upon, without the place being sought in either instance, to furnish a 
chief magistrate for the whole people; and twice we have responded, — with 
what eminent success you all do know. 

GARFIELD AND HAYES. 

" So long as the history of the American people shall be read and known 
among men, so long in the tenderest recesses of the heart will be held in 
grateful recollection and proud esteem the name of James A. Garfield. 

"It would not be in good ta.ste to speak in the presence of our other ex- 
president the warm words of praise with which all would be pleased to 
hear '..^ hi" many virtues recounted. Suffice it to say, he regards it as one 
of the highest honors of his distinguished life to be present with us to-night 
as simply companion Rutherford B. Hayes. 

" T think I can truthfully say for Ohio that her past, at least, is secure; 
and I know whereof I affirm when I say that we have confidence in the 
present, and hope for the future. We may not be called upon to furnish 
any more presidents, generals, chief justices, secretaries, or foreigh minis- 
ters; but if so, that will be your fault and not ours. For I assure you we 
will not be discouraged thereby from keeping constantly on hand, and well 
advertised, an inexhaustible supply of the very best material. [Laughter.] 

"I sincerely liope that these remarks will not excite apprehension in the 
minds of any of our visiting companions; for I am sure this Ohio acquisi- 
tion has not as yet any designs upon the lionors of this organization. On 
the contrary, I am quite positive that none of us expect offices right away. 
We expect to be required; and we shall be content with tliat — to patiently 
wait for all such matters until at least a reasonable probation shall have 
expired. I warn you though that we are a progressive class. We claim to 
be representative of our state ; and being such, it is only fair to assume thai 
wheij the expiration, of this probation shall have come we will desire to be 
useful. From all I was able to learn from the speech of General Owen oj 
the principles and purposes of this order, it is my judgment that it aflbrds 
a first-class chance for the display of the talents of the average Ohio man. 
With its espou.sal of principles and its proclamation of purposes I know 
him to be entirely familiar. They have been his meat and drink all his 
life long. In fact, ever since good old Frances Dane wrote it down in his 
first organic law — the ordinance of 1787 — for the government of the terri- 
tory lying north-west of the river Ohio, that ' religion, morality, and knowl- 
edge were necessary to good government;' and that 'civil and religious 
liberty lay at the basis of all our constitutions and laws,' our Ohio man 
has had for his polar star what the charter of this order declares its princi- 
ples to be. First, a firm belief and trust in Almighty God, under whose 
beneficence and guidance the triumplis of the war were achieved; and 
second, — and only .second,— true allegiance to the United States of America, 
founded on fidelity and devotion to the constitution and laws of our gov- 
ernment. [Loud applause and laughter.] 

''With such antecedents as I have referred to, such an education as I have 



— 56 — 

described, and such aspirations as all concede us, I confidently predict that 
the future will afford us a chance, both in this order and outside of ft, com- 
mensurate with the glorious grandeur of the past; and that as the years go 
gliding by, the name of Ohio, linked with and second only to that of Penn- 
sylvania, shall continue, like that of Ben Ad-heni, to lead all the rest." 
IProlonged applause.] 

THE BOYS IN BLUE. 

A prophet is sometimes honored in his own home. Judge For- 
aker was so by the " Boys in Blue," at the soldier's reunion and 
fourth of July celebration of this year (1883), within the borders 
of his native county. Old veterans and their wives, not away 
from their neighborhood since the war, went twenty miles to see 
this Highland private, this hero of Atlanta. 

How like a true man, with domestic and popular sympathies, 
how like Lincoln breaking forth, " why should the spirit of mor- 
tals be proud," was Foraker in his speech of this day among the 
neighbors, the friends, the men once boys on Rocky Creek. He 
spoke without notes, from a full heart. He spoke as Lincoln, and 
G-arfield spoke, men poor in this world's wealth, but rich in the 
treasures of a noble heart. He said : 

" Here I regard myself as in an especial sense in my own country; for 
here I am within the borders of Highland County, and when I come with- 
in the boundary lines of this county, I feel as though I had come within 
the walls of my own home, and on this account I can say, in response to 
the kind words of your chairman, that if there is any place on the face of 
the earth where I would rather enjoy the confidence and esteem of man- 
kind than another, it is here; in this county where, as he has said, I was 
born and reared, and where for that reason I am better known than I can 
ever hope to become at any other place, and where I have friends that I 
know will always remain such without regard to any difference of opinion 
that may exist as to temporal concerns, and without regard to the varying 
fortunes and changes of life. For me to come into your midst is like glid- 
ing into a veritable haven of rest where all the frictions and buffetting con- 
tentions of an anxious and busy life, are for the time being, shut out by a 
general amity of feeling, and by sentiments of a kind and mutual regard. 

" We are here to-day not only to celebrate the Fourth of July, but we 
have come here to perform this work in the name, in the honor, and under 
the direction of the Grand Army of the Republic. 

" We are here, therefore, not only to pay honor to the initial work of the 
founders of these institutions of government, in the enjoyment of which 
it is our happy privilege to live, but also to pay honor to the men by whose 
services and sacrifices, patriotism and valor, these institutions of govern- 
ment have been preserved to us from the threatened wreck and ruin of 
rebellion. But for the works of the fathers, there never would have been 



any occasion for the services of the sons, and but for the services of the 

sons, that which the fathers did would have been done in vain 

"One hundred years of successful experience under a republican form 
of government, has taught us not only to regard the ideas and truths and 
principles embodied in the Declaration of Independence, as fundamental 
proposition with respect to the character of government and the rights of 
man, but it has also brought us to the point where it is well nigh impossi- 
ble for us to realize that there ever was a time in the history of the world 
when they were not so regarded 

MAGNA CHARTA AND LUTHER. 

"And yet, notwithstanding our fathers were lacking in these respects, 
notwithstanding they were without precedent, and without anything in the 
"way of experience to guide them, they were not without the essentials of 
success. On the contrary, they had that without which there could have 
been no success, but with which success was inevitable, for they had that 
which nerved the hearts of the old Lords and Barons when they wrestled 
Magna Charta from King John, at Runnymede ; they had that which filled 
the soul of brave old Luther, when he said : ' Yes sir, I will go into that 
city of Worms, though there be as many devils there as there are tiles on 
the roofs of the houses.' 

" They had just convictions of right, and they had the courage of their 
convictions, and that was the key to the whole situation. 

"For when men have a just and proper sense of duty, and then fear- 
lessly undertake its performance. Providence never fails to lead them 
safely through, whatever consequences may result." .... 

MEN MUST BE RIGHT. 

That which they accomplished makes the most striking and brilliant 
illustration that has ever been given of the truth to which I adverted a 
moment ago, that all political movements must succeed when they are 
based on just convictions ot right, and are fearlessly and boldly espoused 
and upheld. Their works make a fitting frontispiece for the grand career 
that tills Nation has run. It was a work that never has and never will 
fail to impart inspiration and honesty of purpose to political organizations 
when called upon to grapple with those insiduous evils that affect the 
morality of the people, and sap at the foundations of government. It was 
an example that exerted a most salutory influence on us while we were 
passing through the great struggles with slavery. It is a good example to 
bear in mind in connection with the contests now going on in this country, 
and no matter what may be the growth and complications of the future, we 
can always turn to this beginning of the fathers, with pleasure, pride and 
profit. 

After describing the grandeur of our country, its present popu- 
lation, and its vast capabilities, the Judge continued : 

But I do not make these suggestions for the purpose of exciting vanity. 
On the contrary, I make them to bring about a properly serious apprecia- 
tion of the great trust that is confided in us — a trust that involves for all 
these millions of people and billions of property the preservation of our 
form of government, our constitution, our civil and religious liberty, our 
popular education, our equality before the law — a preservation, in short, 
of all that which makes us free, and makes us great, and makes us safe in 
the protection of our property and our lives. 



— 58 — 

In replying to the proposition that our institutions are not 
adapted to the conditions of the future, he said : 

And remembering, as all must who passed through the trials of 1861-5, 
how this whole land was made to fairly blaze and burn by the unparalleled 
demonstrations of loyalty, patriotism and devotion to duty which we then 
witnessed, I can not doubt either the capacity or the determination of the 
people of this country to preserve its government and its institutions 

PRACTICAL PATRIOTISM. 

And yet, to do so, we must he for the future as we have been in the past, 
true to ourselves. T believe in a practical patriotism. I believe in taking 
care of America. To this end we should discard sentimental theories and 
pursue an administrative policy that is based on sound common sense. 
We should make this country independent of every other to the fullest 
extent that our situation and advantages will admit. We must take care 
of our labor and laboring men, to the end that they may have a just re- 
ward and an even chance in the race of life for those better and higher 
things that come with education and culture. We must develop our re- 
sources, multiply our industries, and make as much diversity of employ- 
ment as possible, thus creating a domestic commerce that will make all the 
diflferent parts of our country virtually dependent on each other, and lead 
on to the construction of railroads and canals, and other facilities for traffic 
and travel, thus tying ourselves together witli the bonds of trade and in- 
terest which are far stronger and more enduring than any that can be 
forged by constitutional provision or legistative enactments. 

"WASHINGTON AKD DANE. 

And not only that, but man can not live by bread alone. Our fathers 
recognized this fact when they framed our government. They, therefore, 
framed it so as to encourage not only the greatest material prosperity pos- 
sible, but also so as to encourage the highest intellectual and moral devel- 
opment of which mankind is capable. Washington reminds us of this in 
his farewell address, when he warns us to remember that the people are the 
sovereign power — that all rightful authority must emanate from them, and 
that, consequently, if we would have a good government, we must have a 
good people, and that to that end we must ever labor to inculcate among 
the people a disposition for knowledge and morality. Another of the 
greatest men that this country ever produced was Francis Dane. He was 
the author of " the ordinance of 1788 (or the government of the territory 
lying nothwest of the River Ohio." This was the first organic law that 
the people of Ohio ever had. In it is expressed the idea to which I refer 
in the declaration that knowledge and morality are essential to good gov- 
ernment. All the founders and all the great men of this government, from 
Washington to Garfield, have impressed upon us the same truth. 

And above all things let us remember to preserve and inviolate the dig- 
nity and majesty of law. As Washington said, v,e have no sovereignty in 
this country except only the people. Law is their expressed will, and the 
officers of the law are only their agents. Whosoever undertakes to strike 
down law in this country, either by open violence or by exciting distrust, 
is aiming a deadly blow at the very life of the Nation. 

GRAND ARMY — A FIRST BOOK. 

Thus Rpoke this soldier to his comrades of the Grand Army of 
Republic in his own native county, July 4, 1883: 



— 59 — 

"I remember that one of the first books my father ever gave me was a 
history of the Revolution, bound in which was a fac simile copy of the 
Declaration of Independence, including the signatures thereto of all the 
signers. I can never forget how, in my boyish ambition, I envied those 
men the honor of having signed that instrument. I have no doubt you 
had the same kind of experience. But you didn't know then of the com- 
pensation that was in Store for you. Your names can never be read on 
the Declaration of Independence, but they will be read so long as that 
declaration is remembered on the muster rolls of that grand army of a 
million men that sprang to the Nations rescue and stood like a wall of fire 
between the country and the country's danger. And to have your names 
written there is the highest honor that your country's service has permit- 
ted you to achieve in your day and generation. As I said a while ago, but 
for your services all that the fathers did would have been done in vain. 
The men who inaugurated the rebellion put themselves beyond the pale 
of reason at the outset. They wouldn't listen to argument. All the logic 
and all the eloquence of Webster, although absolutely unanswerable, were 
nevertheless unavailing. They wouldn't be convinced, and couldn't be 
persuaded. They had made up their minds that if they couldn't rule 
this Union they would break it up and destroy it. They invented their 
doctrine of State sovereignty for that purpose, and when, in their judg- 
ment, the time was ripe for it they invoked it, and involved this whole 
country in war to sustain it. But that which argument could not settle, 
shot and shell did. On three hundred bloody battle-fields, and in the 
blood of three hundred thousand of our slain fathers and brothers and 
sons it was written with the bayonet amid the storm-clouds of war that 
this is a Nation. Webster was vindicated and the Union was preserved. 
The character of our Constitution was taken out of all controvesy, and 
there was established for it, as one of its elementary features, that it was 

i'ust what on its face it expressed itself to be, not a league between States, 
lUt the organic law of a great people, and as to the rights and powers by it 
delegated supreme over States and people alike. There were many good 
results of that war, but this was the richest prize we brought out of all 
that bloody struggle. Let us hold on to it. Let us keep it to the fore- 
front. 

Divide as we may about other matters, let us ever remember to stand 
shoulder to shoulder for this. When you hear a man talking about 
the reserved rights of the States and the resolutions of 1798, as we occa- 
sionally do, set him down as a man that no soldier can afford to listen to. 
So much we owe to the brave comrades we left behind when we marched 
home in victorious triumph. We owe so much to ourselves, and we es- 
pecially owe it to our country and our posterity. Not that we would keep 
alive any of the animosities or prejudices of the war, but simply that we 
would have no foolishness about the preservation of what we won. We 
were in serious earnest then. There has been too much blood shed to per- 
mit of our becoming otherwise now. 

No soldier wishes to keep alive any animosities or prejudices. On the 
contrary, it is our earnest hope that they may all perish with the hated 
doctrine of secession that originated them. We fought the South and 
compelled them to stay in the Union, not because we hated and despised 
them, but because they belonged to us, because they were part and parcel 
of us, because their country was our country, and their destiny was oui 



— GO — 

destiny. We compelled them to stay in the Union, not that we mighfelive 
together in jarring discord, but that we might have a perpetual peace and 
a common prosperity. 

THE SECESSIONIST — THE REGICIDE. 

We can rejoice to-day in the fact that the chasms of the war are being 
rapidly bridged over. You couldn't to-day give slavery back to the South 
as a free and gracious gift. They appreciate as keenly as anybody else 
can that the abolition of it was a great blessing for them. Their country 
is now everywhere prospering as it never did before, and the day is not 
far distant when the secessionist of 1861 will be known in this country only 
as the regicide is known in England. We will have a Union in fact as 
well as in name, and every section will vie with every other in a common 
devotion to a common flag, by which we will all be led in a common pros- 
perity to a common destiny. 

THE GALLANT UNKNOWN. 

From the decoration-dav address of 1809, at Hillsboro, which 
was delivered, says the Highland News, "with deep and earnest 
feeling, with grace and dignity, impressing all with the great 
ability of the young orator : " 

"There are many graves in this land to-day, equally as deserving as the 
ones we have honored, about which no kind tribute-payers are gathered. 
Not all the bodies that fell by the ravages of our war sleep in our ceme- 
teries. 

"Far away in the woods, the thicket, the mountain gaps ; on the barren 
plain, the deserted field, in a hundred kinds of hidden, obscure, and unfre- 
quented places, wherever, on the hard-fought field, the deathful missil of 
the enemy reached and struck them down, lie and sleep another band^ 
the gallant unknown. 

"God, in his infinite wisdom and goodness, as though jealously reserv- 
ing it unto himself, has thus deprived us of the pleasurable privilege of 
decorating their graves. But while he has done this, there is another 
pleasurable privilege and pleasurable duty, of which he has not deprived 
us, and that is of constantly remembering them, and praying him that he 
may annually stretch forth his hand and causing to descend "the earlier 
and the latter rains," make to grow thereon flowers even more luxuriant, 
more fragrant, and more enduring, than the ones which to-day have been 
scattered by the fair hands of these beautiful little girls upon the graves of 
our known ; scattering there, I shall add, only that they may fade and 
whither, and perish, and pass away, typifying, as it were, the untimely 
snapping, and perishing, and passing away of the lives of those whom 
they are intended to honor." ''^ -- " ^ . -- ^ 

CHEAP TRANSPORTATION.^ 

From Judge Foraker's addrcs-i at Cincinnati : 

Although the question of cheap transportation is of vast importance, I 
can say but a word : 

The Constitution of the United States confers upon Congress the power 
to regulate commerce among the states. No restrictions are placed upon 



— 61 



its exercise We contend that the provision wa?framed in the way, inten- 
tionally, that it might be broad enough to cover all times and circumstan- 
ces And hence notwithstanding the fact that railroads were not known 
when the Constitution was framed, yet, inasmuch as they have become a 
chief means of commerce among the states, they are within the purview 
of the provision, as well as rivers, lakes and harbors. 

Fortunately before it ever entered into politics, this question was, quite 
a number of times, raised and passed upon by the courts, and in every 
such instance the provision was construed as we contend it should be. bo 
far then as the right to exercise the power is concerned, it is no longer an 
open question. The democracy, true to their natural instincts have dog- 
gedly arrayed themselves on the wrong side, and are amusing themselves 
with their ancient political Shibboleth. " unconstitutional 

The propriety of exercising this power is a question to be determined by 
the particular facts of a given case. . , , , r • • ^ ;„ 

But when the facts are that millions of bushels of gram are raised m 
this country which never get to a market, and consequently never result in 
any profit to the producer, simply because the lines of railway passmg 
through the different states lying between the markets and the points of 
production, charge unreasonably large freights, I thmk Congress should 
look after the matter and correct the evil, if there be any remedy, because 
so long as such a condition of things exists, agriculture is discouraged 
throughout vast territories of our country, and all kinds of improvement 
and progress are delayed and hindered. , . . , • , . 

This is the position af the Republican party, and it is the right position, 
for it is upon the side of the correct construction and a proper enforce-, 
ment of a good law, framed by the wise fathers who made our constitu- 
tion to protect the people and aid the prosperity of the Governnient. ^ 

The financial platform of the Republican party to-day, as in the past, is 
nothing more nor less than a pledge that we will continue in the future as., 
we have done in the past to retrench and economize, and cut down the; 
expenses of the Government to the lowest possible sum consistent with a^ 
wise and intelligent policy. That we will lighten the burdens of taxation, 
resting upon the people just as rapidly, and just as much as proper regard 
for thi highest interests of all will allow. That we will continue to faith-, 
fully and diligently collect the revenues, and honestly and promptly ap- 
ply them to the satisfaction and diminution of the pubhc debt, until, in 
this honest, straight forward, practical, common-sense way we have, by 
easy and natural stages, and without shock, precipitation or derangement, 
led the country back, as we have been leading it, to the solid basis of spe- 
cie payments, and then on to an entire discharge of this enormous mdebt- 

^ We propose to pay the debt simply by paying it, and by paying it dollar 
for dollar until every obligation of the Government has been fully re- 
dressed, to the last farthing. i,vfi,^o„' 
To this end we propose neither expansion nor contraction, but tne ap- 
plication of every surplus dollar we may be able to get into the treasury 
to the payment of interest bearing bonds held by private individuals in 
whose hands they are non-taxable, and yield no support whatever. 

NO PATIENCE WITH TREASON. 

At Spring Grove and Wesleyan cemeteries, Cincinnati, May 31,^ 
1879, Judge Foraker said : 



— 62 — 

" If any man think th *rc is le?s patriotism in the country, less devotion 
to the Union, less love and affection for the old flag — let him look abroad 
over the land on this National Decoration Day and be undeceived. Let 
him witness the impressive spectacle of a whole people gathered in sor- 
row, but with the choicest flowers of spring time in their hands about the 
graven of their dead soldiers. Let him listen to the patriotic hymns that 
will be sung, the fervid sentiments of patriotism that will be expressed, 
and from these things let him learn that the loyalty of this people is as un- 
questioned as ever. Yea, let him learn more than that ! Let him learn, 
especially if he be a Confederate Brigadier in Congress demanding that 
every vestige of war legislation be torn from the statute book, or a so-call- 
ed "silver tongued orator" from the Blue Grass regions talking about the 
rebel dead being martyrs to a holy cause that is to be revived and vindi- 
cated in the near future, let him I say, especially, if he be one of these 
classes, learn that by so iiiuch as we mourn these lives by so much is 
there less of patience for treason than ever before. 

Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States. There 
was no pretense that any section of the country, or any individual even, 
would be interfered with in the enjoyment of any right or privilege guar- 
anteed under the Constitution and the laws of the land. But that did not 
matter ; the galling fact still remained that the control of the government 
had passed out of the hands of the South. The North had gained ascend- 
ancy in national affairs, and was likely to maintain it, and that was 
enough. The chivalric sons of the South wouldn't submit to any such 
outrage as that. The time against which the conspirators had plotted was 
come. A practical application of the doctrine they had taught was now in 
order. 

SHORT WORK WITH TRAITORS. 

And, consequently, in braggart speeches, for which the authors 
ought to have been then and there arrested and hanged by the neck until 
dead, we were told that the Union of the fathers was dissolved, that the Con- 
stitution was torn into shreds and tatters, that the South had seceded, and 
that all they asked of us was that we would quietly remain at home and 
behave ourselves while they went their way in peace. Not until these ini- 
tial proceedings in the great drama of secession were actually transpiring, 
did our people awaken to anything like a proper appreciation of the infa- 
mous character of the doctrine that had been invoked. But then it was, 
as in bewildered amazement and astonishment they found themselves 
confronted with the necessity of a choice between the calamities of a civil 
war or a dissolution of the Union, that the fires of patriotism began to 
burn in their bosoms — fires of patriotism that found fitting expression at 
the lips of that gallant old patriot when he commanded, " If any man at- 
tempt to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the spot." Fires of 
patriotism that were shortly to blaze into a flame that would astonish and 
excite the admiration of the whole world. For the same match that fired 
the first shot against old Fort Sumter, and the stars and stripes waving 
over her, at the same time fired the patriotic hearts of the loyal millions 
of the North, and there followed the most magnificent demonstration of: 
patriotism and devotion that the world ever witnessed. Business pursuits, | 
private interests, family and social ties, the pleasures and comforts of 
home, attachments, endearments, affections — everything that stood in the 
way was instantly sacrificed by a million gallant heroes who sprang to the 
nation's rescue." 



■ —63 — 

ONE COUNTRY — ONE FLAG. 

At the Camp Fire, October 5, 1880, of Geo. H. Thomas' Post 
i^o. 13, G. A. E., the subject of Judge Foraker's address was ''One 
Country and One Flag." After giving the history of the two civ- 
ilizations, tliat from Plymouth JRock and that from Jamestown, 
the Judge proceeds : 

BOYS IN BLUE. 

"Jealousy ripened into hostility and hostility brought blood. 'One 
country and one flag' would no longer answer. Slavery demanded two 
countries and two flags. They claimed it as a legal and constitutional 
right. Webster met their claim, annihilated their arguments, and showed 
conclusively that they had no such right. . . . He appealed to the 
recollections of the past, when Massachusetts and South Carolina stood 
shoulder to shoulder acknowledging Independence. But they steeled 
their hearts and the clash of arms came. Wlien the boom from the guns at 
Fort Sumter rolled up over our land its reverberating echoes filling our val- 
leys and breaking against our mountain sides, it was as a long roll calling a 
nation to duty — a long roll that was answered by a million men; a million 
men who were not educated and professional soldiers; a million men to 
whom war was no opportunity to workout individual ambitions and aspira- 
tions; but a million volunteers — citizen soldiers — a million men to whom 
war was only a horrible and bloody evil to be resorted to only for the accom- 
plishment of great purpose, and then only when nothing else would answer; 
a million men who were working out their individual ambitions and aspira- 
tions in the peaceful pursuits of civil life; a million men who had homes 
and families and professions and farms and work shops to leave behind 
men, therefore, who sacrificed all these things and stepped between their 
country and their country's danger with that solemn and determined re- 
solve that only men can take who are actuated by a sense of responsible 
duty; a resolve that come what would — come separation from home, from 
wives, from children and loved ones ; come exposures, come hardships, come 
sickness, come battle, come death, come whatsoever God in his providence 
might send there should be in this country but one government and one 
flag, and that should be the government of the constitution and the flag 
that our fathers gave us. 

"These were the 'Boys in Blue,' and when the boys in blue thus took up 
the discussion it meant there was to come an end of it; that we were to 
have no more unavailing arguments; that if word's wouldn't convince shot 
and shell should ; and they did. 

* ******* 

ONE NATION. 

"If there be anything at all that soldiers cannot afford to listen to argu- 
ment about; about which they cannot afford to admit that there is room 
for argument; anything which they are under obligation to at all timea 
treat with impatient indignation, it is that damnable heresy that is eter- 
nally arraying the State against the Nation. 

"If the war accomplished anything at all it was the overthrow of that 
idea, and the establishment upon its ruins of that other idea that the Amer- 
ican people are an American Nation. A nation for Ohio or New York or 
5 



— 64 — 

Massachusetts, nor yet for South Carolina or Alabama or Georgia— not a 

nation for the States at all, but a nation for the pe»ple and the whole people 

of all the States of the whole Union. • 

********* 

INFAMOUS IDEA. 

T hope the day is not far distant when it shall be established that the 
general trovernirient niav lawfully stretch forth its arm of protecting power 
to unprotected citizens at home as well as abroad. It is an infamous idea 
that tlip national irovernment can not go into any Stateof the Union and 
compel any citizen to render its service against its enemies, and that when 
lie shall have faithfullv served it and been discharged, and shall have re- 
turned to his liome, his State lines are to rise up so high about him that the 
government he has protected at the peril of his life cannnot crossover 
them to his protection in the enjoyment of all the rights to which he is en- 
titled under a Republican form of government. 

" It is not enough to answer that it is the duty of the State to afford this 

protection. ..,.1.1 i. 

"It is not enough, because by unpunished barbarities, horrible enougli 
to shock and disirrace savages, we have been afforded most abundant as well 
as most painful evidence that the State may not do its duty. I hope the 
bloody outrages of Hamburg. Coushatta, and the murder of the Chisliolms 
will never a<'ain be repeated to disgrace our land and civilization, but 
should the misfortune of tlieir re-enactment be visited upon us, I earnestly 
trust there may be no counterpart to the great crime for which we, aa 
citizens, must bear the responsibility, in a lack of power on the part of gov- 
ernment somewhere to visit speedy and fitting justice upon the perpetrators. 

"I want t© see, therefore, not only one government and one flag for our 
whole country, but I want that government to be strong enough to go into 
every nook and corner of the whole land, not simply to collect its revenues, 
its taxes on whisky and tobacco, but what is infinitely more important and 
more to our credit, to protect the lives of its citizens and redress their 
wronirs and grievances. And I want the flag that is to stand for this gov- 
ernment to symbolize all this to every man who looks with allegiance upon 
its folds. With such a country and such a flag there is nothing of patriotic 
reverence and affection that they will not enjoy. With such a country and 
such a flag, there is nothinsr of strength that will not be added unto us as a 
Nation. With such a country and su«h flag we can press forward into the 
future with a confident assurance that there is a destiny for us commen- 
surate in grandeur and magnificence with the advantages we possess." 

Of Judge Foraker's Decoration day Address at Springfield, May 
30, 1881, the Springfield Eepublic said : 

" The mention of names of well-remembered commanders brought the 
applause of the audience every time; and frequently was this repeated at 
other periods of the grand effort of twenty-five minutes' duration. Atten- 
tion was really strained at times. At affecting passages, particularly the 
references to mothers and wives of our dead soldiers, many eyes filled 
involuntarily. The address was in full keeping with the spirit of the hour, 
unambiguous, often impassioned, and delivered with impressiveness which 
had a marked effect. Although a comparative stranger in Springfield, the 
gentleman will be remembered with affection and admiration by all that 
vast audience. He unmistakably created a very favorable impression 
among the most intelligerit class of people. 



— 65 — 

The Judge said: 

" This imposing demonstration has a wide and an inspiring significance. 
It means more than that these men were brave. It means more than that 
they were our fathers and sons and husbands and brothers. It means 
more than that we loved them. It means more than that we owe them a 
debt we can never discharge for a nation preserved by the lives they sur- 
rendered. It means more than a tribute of honor and gratitude and affec- 
tion for the dead. Its chief lesson is for the living. 

soldier's sacrifices not forgotten. 

" It means that the sacrifices of that time are not to be forgotten ; that 
they are to be kept in perpetual remembrance as the price paid for a nation 
purified and preserved ; Vept in remembrance, however, not to keep alive 
any bitterness or hatred or prejudice that may have been engendered by 
that strife, but kept alive to cultivate and strengthen and cherish in our 
recollections that spirit of patriotism, loyalty, and devotion to duty that 
inspired our heroic dead. 

" It means that these men died for the cause of all mankind, and that 
their lives and sacrificial deaths are worthy to be held in perpetual remem- 
brance and continual honor as bright examples for the emulation of the 
living. It means that we do not propose to have to do that work over 
again. It means that here is the most sacred spot that can be found; here 
in the most solemn presence that can be invoked ; here on these graves, 
as upon the altars of our country, we come to pledge ourselves anew to 
the preservation of that nationality and those eternal principles of truth 
and justice for which these men were slain. Then, 

" * Cover them over with beautiful flowers, 

Deck them with garlands, these brothers of ours, 
Lying so silent by night and by day. 
Sleeping the yi^ars of their manhood away ; 
Years they had marked for the joys of the brave. 
Years they must waste in the moldering grave- 
All the bright laurels they wasted to bloom, 
Fell from their hopes when they fell to the tomb. 
Give them the meed they have won in the past ; 
Give them the honors their futures forcast; 
Give them the ehaplets they won in the strife; 
Give them the laurels they won with their life. 
Cover them over — yes, cover them over — 
Parent, husband, brother, and lover; 
Grown in your hearts these dead heroes of ours. 
And cover them over with beautiful flowers. 

It is a grand and inspiring work in which we are engaged. Let us b© 
careful not to abuse its privileges or pervert its purposes. Let us not per- 
mit ourselves to be blinded or misled by that sickly and inconsistent spint 
of sentimentality that has been here and there manifesting itself in a dis- 
position to blot out all distinctions by scattering flowers alike over the Blue 
and the Gray, 

NO BITTERNESS. 

" Toward the dead soldiers of the South no heart can hold any bitter- 
ness, but it does not follow that we should pay them honor. We know 
they were brave ; we know they fought gallantly, and, for the sake of ar- 
gument, we can afford to admit that they believed they were right. But 
all that does not and can not change the everlasting fact that they were 
not right, but wrong, and criminally and treasonably wrong, too. All that 
does not change the fact that they made this land to run red with rivers ot 
blood, and filled our homes with widows and orphans, and weeping and 
morning, in a causeless and wicked endeavor to tear down and destroy 



— GCj — 

the best government the wisdom of man ever devised, simply because its 
genius was Liberty, that they might establish for themselves, in its stead, 
another, based upon and inspired by human slavery. In their graves with 
them we can bury everything except, only, a vigilant watchfulness against 
a repetition of their treason; but to decorate their graves, at the same 
time and in the same way we decorate the graves of our fallen Union 
soldiers, would be to do an act that would be worse than a crime against 
the dead, and to teach a lesson that would be worse than meaningless to 
the living. 

BOYS IN BLUE NOT TO BE DISHONORED. 
' "Whatever else we may do, may God save us from a criminal stupidity 
that would dishonor the boy in blue, who fought for the Union and the 
Constitution, the equality of all men before the law, and all the other great 
and grand ideas that underlie and vitalize our institutions, by holding him 
up to posterity as on an equality with the men who fought to uphold trea- 
son, destroy our nationality, and make shipwreck of all the bright hopes 
of self-government. Let us not do ourselves the injustice nor posterity 
the injury of indicating by such an act that we no longer know any differ- 
ence between the men who saved us and the men who would have 
destroyed us. 

GLORIOUS OLD MOTHERS. 

On the contrary, when we are done decorating our Union dead, if we 
have any flowers to spare, instead of destroying all the good we have 
done by throwing them upon the Confederate dead, let us rather, in 
God's name, intensify the lesson we teach by lovingly scattering them 
over the glorious old mothers of the war ; the glorious old mothers who 
followed us down into the smoke and fire of battle with fervent prayers 
to heaven for our preservation and for the success of our cause ; the glo- 
rious old mothers who, with heroic words of patriotism, steeled the nearts 
and nerved the arms of the gallant boys with whom they now are sleep- 
ing ; or over the tender and loving wives who, with hearts broken with 
grief, have prematurely followed down into the damp, cold grave the 
husbands they kissed farewell forever amid war's wild a'.arms ; or let us 
weave them into bright chaplets with which to ciown the children of our 
patriot dead — the children to whom the preservation of the nation meant 
orphanage and poverty and destitution ; or jn sormt other way let us do 
something that will be patriotic — something «re can respect ourselves for 
— something that will redound to the honor of our dead, the credit of our- 
selves, and the good of our country. 

Until the time shall come when all talk about the right and truth and 
justice of the "lost cause" shall be hushed fowever — until equal and exact 
justice is freely accorded to every American citizen in every state in the 
Union — until the exercise of all the rights, privileges, and franchises of 
citizenship is as free and untrammeled wherever the flag floats as our 
slain heroes intended it to be, let us have a jealous care as to what we do, 
even with our flowers. Not, as I have already said, because of any feel- 
ing toward the dead, but for the effect upon the living. We must never 
forget that our Government is a Government of the people. It will be 
whatever the people make it, and they will make it whatever they are 
themselves ; and what the people will be 4^pends upon what they are 
taught. 

Because of the teachings of our fathers the war found us ready to meet 
it. We have made the country free ; we have made it a fundamental 
idea that the constitution is the organic law of the whole people ; that the 



— 67 — 

General Government, as to the powers and functions delegated to it, is 
iupreme from ocean to ocean, and that the American people are an Amer- 
ican nation. These are grand results. They are worth all the blood and 
treasure they have cost. It was our highest duty to secure them then; it 
is our highest duty to preserve them now. 

A PATRIOTIC IRISHMAN. 

A patriotic Irishman, who had lost his mother while he was in 
the patriotic army, was so affected by the Springfield address in its 
allusion to decorating the graves of the mothers who had given 
their sons to the war, that he walked many miles to see and hear 
the man, at Leesburg, who had heart enough to make such a 
speech. He went away from the Leesburg address saying, " That's 
the man for me, with a head level enough to command an army, 
and a heart big enough to capture the soldiers." 

THE UNITED STATES — OUR COUNTRY. 

Judge Foraker made an address January 13, 1881, before the 
society of Ex- Army and Navy officers, whose names are a syno- 
nym of valorous d'ieds ; the theme being "The United Stales — 
our Country." The Judge adverted to our vast domain ; to our 
self-government; to our civil and religious liberty ; to our thrift, 
ingenuity, enterprise and industry ; to our illustrious past, the in- 
spiring present and the grand future, and to our grave and in- 
creasing responsibilities : He concludes : 

"Grave, therefore, as are the responsibilities that rest upon us, yet I con- 
fidently predict that they will be fully and faithfully discharged, and that 
as the years go by we shall not only continue to increase in numbers and 
grovv in wealth, but that we shall see all sectional prejudices and animosi- 
ties forpvOtten and swallowed up in a generous rivalry and a common 
pride; that we shall continue to be one people, maintaining one govern- 
ment, supporting the same Constitution, and following a common flag to a 
common destiny, thus verifying the prophetic assertion of the lamented 
Lincoln when he said, at Gettysburg, in those beautiful, impressive, and 
ever memorable words: "Government of the people, by the people and 
for the people, shall not perish from the earth." 

LAW AND ORDER. 

Judge Foraker presided Sunday night, 1882, at a meeting of 
citizens in the Methodist church, Walnut Hills, in the interest of 
law and order. In his address he said that the majesty and dig- 
nity of law must be preserved. * * He had an abiding faiih in 
Providence and the common sense of the American people. * * 
Morality is the foundation of the Kepublic. and thus morality is 
dependent on religion. 

THE LAST DOLLAR TO BE PAID. 

Before^he Liacolo Club of Cincinnati, June 23, 1883, the Judge 
said : 

"You all remember how, under tlie name and banner of the Democratic 
party, especially here in Oliio, all the di.sloyalty, faithlessness and dema- 
gogy of this country seemed to clasp hands, a'i<l join in a common effort to 



— 08 — 

besmirch and disgrace and dishonor tliat country and that government 
which the enemies of the eovernment on the field of battle had failed to 
overthrow and destroy. You all remember how it was through long years 
of earnest argument and effort that the country was finally led back and 
placed on the firm rock of specie resumption, and the people were brought 
to a settled determination that all the obligations of the government should 
be faithfully paid to the last dollar. * * * 

PROGRESS FOR THE RIGHT. 

But the mission of the Republican party is progress — and progress for the 
right; and where right and justice demand it, there is always a way to re- 
concile differences and conquer difliculties. We have never failed to find 
that way in the past; we shall never fiiil to find it now. Yea, we have al- 
ready found it, and, as in the past, the defeats we have sustained have but 
served to the point, and give effect to the victories that have followed in 
succeeding years, so, too, will it prove that the defeat of last year will but 
serve to give emphasis and lend brilliancy to the magnificent triumphs of 
this. [Long and enthusiastic applause.] * » # « 

GERMAN REPUBLICANS. 

I say it is a slander upon the German Republicans of Ohio to say that they 
will withhold their support from the Republican party in this campaign. 
[Applause.] I think I know something of the German Republicans of 
Ohio. I went soldiering with some of them twenty years ago. [Tremend- 
ous applause.] With the old Ninth Ohio, made up of German Republicans 
living here in Cincinnati, I helped to carry our flag up the side of Mission 
Ridge. I was with tlieni in sucli a way that I know what they endured of 
the privations and hardships of a soldier's life. . I know how they bared 
their breasts to the storm of buttle, and with what loyalty, demotion and 
patriotism they at all times stood by the flag, the coun'lry, and the cause of 
their adoption. [Ringing applause repeated several time.s.] Yes, I know, 
too, something about them since the war, and in time of peace. J know 
that the German Republicans of Oiiio are an intelligent, fair-minded, 
liberal-minded, and honest-minded class of people, who have cast in their 
lot with us in good faith and for good purposes. I know that they believe 
in good government, in the protection of society, and in advancing the wel- 
fare and best interests of their commonwealth, as much as do any oth«r 
class of people we have in the State of Ohio. [Great applause.] And 
being of that class of people, I say it is a slander, and a libel upon them, to 
say and print it of them, that they will withhold their support of the Re- 
publican party simply because it has enacted legislation that is manifestly 
just. 

On August 2, 1883, before an audience of 2,000 people the Judge 
Bpoke at Corning, Perry Co., Ohio: * * * * 

perry's victory. 

" There is something in the name of Perry County, for, when that name 
of Perry County is spoken it instinctively recalls one of the most illus- 
trious heroes that this country has ever produced. ["Good!"] And 
along with the recollection of the old hero comes back fresh to our minds 
one of the most brilliant achievements of which the naval history of this 
country gives us any account. 



— 69 — 

THE COLORED REPUBLICANS. 

And I want to say to these colored men whom I see so well represented 
here to-day that they do well to come up to this Convention along with 
the other Republicans of Perry County. [Applause.] Let me say t1) you, 
colored men that the next time you go up to the State House at Columbus 
— that place where I expect to hold for — for two years after the next elec- 
tion [laughter and applause]— you will be pleased if you will go into the 
rotunda and look at that magnificent oil painting which adorns its walls ; 
the title of it is "Perry's Victory on the Lakes." You will be pleased be- 
cause you will see there in the boat, along with the old Commodore, ia the 
thickest of the hail and storm of battle, and as brave looking as any of 
them, a fit representative of the African race. And thus it has ever been 
from the very formation of our Government — in war and in peace, in 
prosperity and in adversity alike — the colored man has stood side by side 
with his white brother. He has been with us in war; he is with us in 
peace. He has been with us to share our adversities ; he has been with 
us to participate in the triumphs that we have been permitted to enjoy. 

LITTLE PHIL. 

Another reason why it is a pleasure for me to be present here to-day is 
in the fact that within the boundary lines of Perry County is to be found 
the birth-place of another illustrious American citizen — a man who was as 
great a Captain on the land as Perry was on the sea — a man whose name 
is a familiar "household word" ihe world over — a man wliom fifty thous 
and of us followed, with an admiration and confidence that no laneuaire 
can describe, as we carried that flag [pointing to the stars and stripes 
waving above him] up the rug'^ed sides of Mission Ridge, sweeping Bragg 
and his regiments from off its crest, capturing more than sixty pieces oi ar- 
tillery and more than three thousand prisoners, and breaking forever th 
backbone of the rebellion. [Applause.] I need not say that I refer to 
gallant little Phil. Sheridan ! [Great applause. A voice : " Bully for the 
Irish !"] 

A county which so reminds us of two such men as these is a county to 
be congratulated. Patriotism is safe here. * * » « 

THE TARIFF. 

" How are you to tell in this month of August, 1883, how much tariff 
this country will need in 1884? How are you to foresee the expenses of- 
Government? How are you to foresee a year ahead whether you will 
have an expensive Government or an inexpensive Government ? Whether 
you will be put to a great expense or a little expense in administering the 
affairs of this great Nation ? And if you can not foresee that, how can you 
tell how much duty to put on this, that or the other thing, to the end that 
you may raise just enough revenue to meet the wants of the Government 
economically administered } And then another thing — are you to change 
this tariff every year.? It costs some years more than it does others to ad- 
minister the affairs of Government. We have more pension bills to pay 
some years than others. We have more Indians to feed some years than 
others. We have more expenses of various kinds some years than others. 
If we are to regulate our tariff by the expenses necessary to be met, we 
must, necessarily, each year, vary the duties that are to be levied on our 
imports. And what kind of an effect will that have on the business of this 
country ? If a man must buy a product that is to be imported for him from 
another country, to be used in his business in this country how can he tell 



— 70 — 

what he is to pay for it when he does not know that the tariff" may not be 
changed in the time intervening between his order and his receipt of his 
article ? Therefore, I say it does not affect the objection I make to the 
duplicity of this platform for Judge Hoadly to turn and ask me whether I 
want a tariff levied that will be more than enough to sustain the Govern- 
ment when it is economically administered. It only shows its weakness. 

Of his New Philadelphia speech, Aug, 5. 1883, the Journals said 
that "Allbough the Judge spoke in the open air, in the broiling 
hot sun, the audience of thousands remained attentive to the last 
•word. The Judge never elacks speed or rises in the air, pays no 
attention to vrayside ' funny business,' but makes straight for his 
goal." The Judge thus spoke : 

THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT SUPREME. 

"What lawyers and the statesmen of the country could not settle satia- 
factorily — the constitutional question as to the character of our government, 
the Nortli contending that the Constitution was the organic law of the 
whole land and people, and that our National Government was supreme 
overstates and people alike — that question "the boys in blue" settled in 
the storm of battle. They wrote a decision upon it; they wrote it with the 
bayonet; they wrote it with blood; they wrote it where it would do the 
most good — they put it into the Constitution of the United States, and they 
put it there to stay. [Enthusiastic apphuise.] 

And thus it was that the heresy of secession, the infamous product of the 
resolutions of 1798, and one of the most vicious of heritages to the people of 
this country, existing as a continual threat and menace to our institutions 
and prosperity — that idea of secession, 1 say, perished, and I trust passed 
away from American politics forever amid the burning glories of the tri- 
umphant victory at Appomattox. [Immense applause.] 

rOUB MILLIONS ENFRANCHISED. 

Well, as a consequence, in that great struggle which the Republican 
party came into existence for the purpose of carrying on, we had the 
shackles stricken off of four millions of people, and as a result of the recon- 
struction measures that followed, four millions of people and their colored 
brethren everywhere throughout the United States were lifted up to the 
plane of citizenship. They were enfranchised. Thus, for the first time, 
we had in this country "personal liberty" for every man and equality of 
rights for every citizen ; so that every man who looked upon the folds of 
that flag (pointing to one floating before him from the staff in the public 
square) with the allegiance of citizenship, looked there knowing that it was 
symbolical of defense for liim and of protection for all his rights. * * 

CONVICT LABOR. 

We don't believe in putting our laborers into unjust competition with 
foreign laborers, or into unjust competition with degraded home laborers; 
for we believe that the honest laborer outside the penitentiary — who has 
never committed any crime, and who has to support himself and family — 
should not be brought on a level "as to iiis labor with men who have been 
confined in the penitentiary for the commission of oflfenses. For that rea- 
son, while we say these men should be made to work, we also say they 
should be made to work in such a way under the supervision of the State 

scniemanner'to be devised, as to prevent their work being-brought into 
an unjust manner with the labor outside. 



APPENDIX. 



THE DEFEAT. 

When it was ascertained that Judge Foraker had been defeated 
in the contest of 1883, the sentiment was concurrent, universal, 
and spontaneous that it was in no way attributable to the ticket. 
The defeat, as in the case of Lincoln by Douglass, only endeared 
Judge Foraker to the people. It was felt that it was not a just 
and honorable defeat; that the judge was the real victor. 

A GRAND CAMPAIGN, 

Judge Foraker made a grand campaign two years ago, and if any Repub- 
lican could have been elected then, he would have been — Ashtabula Senti- 
nel, April 30, 1886. 

THE KIND OF TIMBER NEEDED IN OFFICE. 
Let no one wear crape for Foraker yet. So far from being a dead man, 
politically, he is the livest man in the State. The history of politics does 
not chronicle a more gallant fight than he has made. 

THE DEFEAT DID NOT HURT HIM, 

and we deem him one of the strongest men in the State to-day. We ask 
nothing better than Ben Foraker two years from now, and feel confident 
that if then nominated for governor he would sweep the State. He is the 
kind of timber that is needed in office nowadays, and the kind that will 
get there too. The J'people of Ohio are honored by having such a man 
among them, and they will see to it that he is yet put where he belongs.— 
Scioto Gazette, 1883. 

A CLEAN CANDIDATE — NO RING — NO UNHEALTHY ALLIANCES. 

Joseph B. Foraker was a man of mark before he made his famous canvass 
in 1883. He was known for his services in the Union army, for his brill- 
iancy as a lawyer, and his learning as a judge. His contest in 1883 was 

THE MOST MEMORABLE IN THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 

OF OHIO, 

and was watched with great interest in every State in the Union. The con- 
ditions were particularly unfavorable in 1883. The Democrats had swept 
the State in 1882, and were already in possession of half the State offices. 
Republicans were disheartened or indifferent, and believed that they would 
be defeated. Men who had in other years subscribed freely to pay cam- 
paign expenses cut down down their contributions, or refused to give any- 
thing. Judge Foraker accepted the nomination, and made the most able 
contest in the history of the Republican party. He did not deserve defeat. 
He was a clean candidate. He belonged to no ring, and was free of all uu- 

71 



—72 — 

healthy alliances. But every man who had a grievance against the party 
singled out Judge Foraker as the head of the ticket, and determined to stab 
him. Those Republicans who were disgusted with the Pond law cut Judge 
Foraker, although he had no voice in the passage of that law. Republicans 
who objected to anything the Republican general assembly had done, held 
Judire Foraker responsible, because he was the head of the ticket. Yet, had 
the election of 1883 been held two weeks earlier, Judge Foraker would have 
carried the state. The Second Amendment contest in tlie last two weeks 
cost the Republican ticket ten thousand votes. — Sandusky Register. 

DEMOCRATIC TESTIMONY. 

The Cleveland Plain Dealer (Democrat), 1883, rising above par- 
tisan prejudice, said: "The fact must he conceded that Foraker 
made a good campaign. He was a new man in politics, but he 
acquitted himself welL He made a strong, earnest fight, and 
if he comes out defeated, he comes out witli a clear record." 

CREDIT AND HONOR. 

Hon. Mr. Jordan, in his speech at Cincinnati at the celebration 
of the Democratic victory, said : " Judge Foraker conducted the 
campaign courageously and honorably, witli great credit to him- 
self and honor to his party." 

NEW YORK TESTIMONY — A ^.lAN OF COMMANDING WORTH. 

Judge Foraker was not elected governor of Ohio, but in the long and 
arduous campaiirn closed last Tuesday, he made a record as a speaker and 
a candidate which commands 

GENERAL ADMIRATION. 

His one hundred and five speeches delivered throughout the State were all 
models of sense, substance, and manliness. Without being exceptionally 
strong in poiut of physique, he underwent the tremendous strain of the 
canvass, speaking always twice a day, six days out of the seven, and some- 
times oftener, frequently riding sixty miles a day in a buirgy, and in a hun- 
dred other ways taxing his strength as a Sullivan or Slade could not do, 
with his voice stronger and liis eye brighter the last niglit than they had 
been when he started. The Republicans of Ohio have introduced to the 
country a man of commanding worth, and one who must hereafter be given 
a prominent place among the Buckeye leaders available for national honors. 
— Albany Evening Journal, October 11, 1883. 

TENNESSEE — UNIVERSAL ADMIRATION. 

His canvass was conducted in the face of most trying obstacles, and was 
one of the most brilliant in the history of his party in that State, and at the 
time commanding universal admiration. His speeches were able and mas- 
terly, and exhibited a variety of mental resource which could only be 

COMPARED TO THAT OF GARFIELD OR BLAINE. 
It was an off year in Ohio, and he was left to make his canvass almost soli- 
tary and alone, and to bear the big end of the expenses of the fight. When 
the sure promise of victory was turned to defeat, he accepted the result 
gracefully and manfully. 

Two years ago the Republican party of Ohio was as proud of him as of 
any leader they ever had, and by his dignified and manly course he has 
earned their further esteem. — Kjioxville {Tennessee) Journal, April, 1885. 



ILLINOIS— HE WITHSTOOD EVERY ASSAULT. 

The Ohio Republicans have doue the wisest possible thing in renominat- 
ting Judge Foraker. Two years ago he made a -splendid canvass, and 
proved himself well fitted, personally and politically, for the post of leader. 
At the close of the campaign of 1883, the Ohio Republicans were practically- 
unanimous in the opinion that Foraker was one of the strongest candidates 
they ever put in the field. It is a strong man who can sustain defeat in 
this way. So well satisfied were the Ohio Republicans with Foraker as a 
leader, that with one accord they determined at the first opportunity to put 
him again in the field and defy the Democracy to defeat him a second time. 
He was accordingly selected as the man of all others to snatch victory from 
defeat. 

Judge Foraker must appreciate the splendid compliment the Ohio Repub- 
licans have paid him in the manner of his reuomination. In the campaign 
of two years ago he more than met every expectation, and his ability on the 
stump attracted attention and admiration throughout the country. 

HE WAS A LEADER OF SPIRIT, BRAIXS, AND COURAGE. 

His record, too, was of a character to withstand every assault. He entered 
the army as a sixteen-year-old boy, and showed the stuff he was made of by 
writing to his mother that he did not want to lay down his gun until every 
slave was free. In civil life he has won his way by sheer force of merit and 
brains. — Chicago Tribune. 

DEFEAT — JACKSON — VAN BUREN — LINCOLN — DOUGLAS — LUCAS — 
TRIMBLE — TODD — TOM CORWIN. 

The following statement of votes for Republican nominees of 
Ohio since 1873 shows that Foraker in 1883 received 30,000 votes 
more than any candidate on a Republican ticket ever received in 
Ohio: 

1873— Edward F. Noyes 213 837 

1874— A. T. Wikoflf. 221,204 

1875— R. B. Hayt^s 297,817 

1876— Millon Barnes 317,856 

1877— Wm, H. West 249,105 

1878— Milton Barnes 274,120 

1879— Charles Foster 336,261 

1880— Charles Townsend 362,021 

1881— Charles Foster 312,735 

188'2 — Charles Townsend 297,759 

1883— J. B. Foraker 347,164 

The Sandusky Register says : 

" He polled 50,000 more votes than Townsend polled in 1882, and more 
votes than were ever polled in a state election, save in the presidential year 
of 1880, and but for a deceptive circular sent out six days before the elec- 
tion to 30,000 spiritualists by the Democratic committee, Judge Foraker 
would have polled more votes than the state ticket received in 1880. and 
would have been elected. 

Andrew Jackson was defeated in his first contest, and twice 
thereafter elected. Martin Van Buren was " defeated" by the 
United States Senate as minister to London, and was afterward 
elected President. General Harrison was "defeated" in 1836 for 
president by Van Buren, and then overwhelmingly elected over 



— 74— 

Van Buren in 1840. Lincoln was " defeated" by Douglas in the 
senatorial race in Illinois, and in turn "defeated" Douglas for the 
presidency. Allen Trimble was "defeated" in 1822 and 1824 by 
Morrow, who had himself been " defeated" in 1820 by Brown. 
Then Trimble was elected in 1826 and re-elected in 1828. Robert 
Lucas was "defeated" in 1830 by McArthur, and elected in 1832. 
In 1840 Tom Corwin "defeated" Wilson Shannon, and the same 
Shannon in 1842 "defeated" Tom Corwin, the idol of the Whigs. 
David Tod was "defeated" in 1844 by Bartley, and in 1846 he was 
" defeated" by Bebb, and then elected in 1861. 

DELEGATE AT LARGE TO CHICAGO. — CLEVELAND CONVENTION, 1884. — 
HE REPRESENTS THE REPUBLICAN PARTY OF OHIO. 

Candidates for delegate at large being called for, Hon. Amor Smith of 
Cincinnati arose to present the name of J. B. Foraker, of Hamilton County. 
The convention anticipated the nomination and cheered lustily. Mr. Smith 
said : 

" Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Republican Convention : I wish 
to place before this convention for delegate at large to the Republican con- 
vention at Chicago the name of a wise counselor, a brave soldier, and the 
leader of the late gubernatorial contest in this state. [Applause.] I nom- 
inate Judge J. B. Foraker." [Applause.] 

Judge J. R. Johnston, of Mahoning County, moved that the rules be sus- 
pended, and the nomination of Judge Foraker made unanimous by accla- 
mation. 

Judge L. W. King, of Mahoning County, rose and said : 

" Mr. Chairman : On behalf of the Blaine men in eastern Ohio, I want 
to say that we recognize the fact that Judge Foraker represents as 

NO OTHER MAN REPRESENTS THE REPUBLICAN PARTY OF THE STATE OF 

OHIO. 

I hope that no Blaine man in this convention will feel called upon to vote 
against Judge Foraker. In our section of the state, where all of the people 
are willing to vote for Mr. Blaine for President, we are willing to vote for 
Mr. Foraker." [Applause.] 

The motion of Judge Johnson was carried unanimously. It would be 
hard to imagine anything more unanimous than the manner with which 
Judge Foraker's name was agreed upon. — Commercial Gazette. 

Judge J. B. Foraker, chosen in the convention by enthusiastic acclama- 
tion as delegate at large, is one of 

THE REPRESENTATIVE YOUNG REPUBLICANS 

of the state. His speeches and general conduct of his campaign in the last 
gubernatorial contest won him the highest regard, and made for him thou- 
sands of new friends among the people whose representatives so heartily in- 
dorsed him yesterday. — Cleveland Leader. 

GARFIELD AND WADE. 

At the Cleveland convention in April, 1884, Judge Foraker was chosen 
to head the Ohio delegation to Chicago, and be did it with honor to himself. 
* * Here Foraker made a national reputation, and was given the honor 
which in former gatherings had been bestowed on Garfield and Wade. — 

Times Star. 



A CORNELL TRUSTEE. 

Under the original act by the New York legishiture granting 
kind to the institution as an " agricultural college," it is provided 
that the alumni shall elect one of the trustees, and that all nom- 
inations must be made in writing before Anril 1st, and each 
signed by at least ten of the alumni. 

Judge Foraker was asked to become a candidate, but declined, 
owing to pressure of business. Despite his declination, his name 
was put in nomination by members of the Alumni Association 
all over the country. After a spirited and friendly contest, his 
election was made unanimous, June 18th, 1884. He is 

THE FIRST TRUSTEE ELECTED 

from any other state than New York. He thus addressed the 
alumni : 

"Ladies and Gentlemej? : — This morning I had occasion to thank 
you for the honor of being made 

PRESIDENT OF THE ASSOCIATION" 

last year, and now I must thank you again. Under ordinary circumstances 
this honor should be sufficient to make me proud, but when the rivahy was 
between myself and such noble men as were my competitors, it is doubly 
appreciated by me. I shall endeavor to faithfully discharge the duties of 
the trust with my best ability. •••' * * I remember the language of 
Goldwin Smith, in 1869, when he said Cornell was too sanguine — that it re- 
quires one hundred years to make a university. The university is entitled 
to our earnest support. * * * I esteem it more than ever my duty to 
give to it all the labor, time, and intellect that the duties of the place may 
require." [Hearty applause.] 

THE NEW YORK '' WORLD " 

relates^an incident in the judge's career in this connection : 

"three hundred LAWYERS." 

The story of the career of Judge Joseph B. Foraker, of Cin- 
cinnati, the recently elected trustee of Cornell University, is in- 
teresting ; and one phase of it is unique. He was graduated from 
Cornell in 1869, one year after the universit}^ was founded, and 
for several years afterward buffeted against adverse circum- 
stances, the most irritating of which was poverty. He had been 
compelled to borrow money to carry him through the year, and 
had worked so hard at his studies that his health failed in April 
previous to the June when he was to take his diploma. With a 
shattered constitution and little money in his purse, he started 
in the spring for his country home in Ohio. Next to the thought 
of graduating was that of what he should do after leaving the 
university. Having decided to devote his attention to the legal 
profession, he stopped on his way home in the spring of 1869 to 
visit a young lawyer friend in Cincinnati, intending to ascertain 
what opening there was in that growing city for a young man to 



— 76 — 

commence in the profession of law. While walking along Third 
Street he was struck by tlie great number of signs of lawyers, 
and asked his friend how many lawyers there were in Cincin- 
nati. The answer was, " three hundred." In his physical and 
financial condition those two words fell upon 

YOUNG FORAKER's EAR WITH TERRIBLE EFFECT. 

He continued his journey home, still flunking of his future in 
connection with those Words, "three hundred." At home he 
found himself exhausted, and was put to bed, where kind friends 
devotedly attended him. While alone one day his mind wan- 
dered back over his experiences of the previous week, and his 
doubts and fears as to whetlier he would be able to join his class 
on graduating day alternated with his Cincinnati friend's 
answer. These thoughts chased each other through his mind 
until he could bear them no longer. He jumped out of his bed, 
where he had been ordered to remain, sat down at a table and 
wrote in three hours a first-class graduating thesis on the subject 
' Three Hundred Lawyers.' That was the conquering act. His 
mind was relieved, his purpose fixed. He returned to Cornell, 
graduated with his class, settled in Cincinnati, almost pennyless, 
determined to add one more to the three hundred. His rapid 
advancement to the front rank of lawyers in the whole West has 
been owing to his untiring energy and integrity in practice, and 
calm, cool, good judgment in legal as well as political work. 

JUDGE FORAKER AT CHICAGO. 
In nominating .Joliu Sherman, Judge Foraker received an ovation. He 
VFas listened towith great attention. Nobody who heard Foraker could 
doubt his loyalty to Sherman. Foraker spoke of Arthur. There were a 
few cheers. He expressed his admiration for the brilliant chieftain of 
Maine. Foraker gave Blaine, merely by an incidental reference, the largest 
boom he has had yet. The galleries were uncontrollable. The white plume 
was seized and put on top of a starry flag, acd amid the wildest imaginable, 
scenes it was carried around the center aisle. Foraker 

CONDUCTED HIMSELF AMAZINGLY 

under the ordoal. He made a good point when quiet again reigned over 
the convention by reminding his hearers that they should not shout until 
they had cleared the woods. 

Foraker's speech was not ambitious in its style, but was the best that was 
made. — Commercial Gazette, June 6, 1884. 

Foraker's management showed that he is quick to seize the opportunity 
at the supreme crisis, as he is a hard and unflinching advocate of his pref- 
erence. — Commercial Gazette, June 7, 1884. 

THE SYMPATHY OF THE CONVENTION. 

Judge Foraker, who presented the name of John Sherman, won the sym- 
pathy of the audience by his manly attitude. He did not beg the nomina- 
tion of a citizen of Ohio by reason of its being a doubtful state, for he 
frankly conceded that it was sure to go Republican the presidential year. 
* * He set forth in superb detail the statesmanship of John Sherman, 
eliciting enthusiastic applause. — Chicago Inter-Dcean, June&, 1884. 



— 77— 

ADROIT— PLEASING — EFFECTIVE. 

Judge Foraker's eulogy of Senator Shermau was adroit, pleasing, and 
effective. The Ohio lawyer is a graceful man, possessed of a good voice, 
and very evidently of a keen intellect. His figure on the stage was the best 
of all. " I wish," he began, " to speak a few plain words in behalf of a 
plain but very good man." It was a good start. He kept the same plane 
throughout, never lowering his voice, but perhaps a little elevating it all 
the while. Foraker was a popular man when he had finished. That speech, 
with an eastern man, is likely to make Foraker the vice-presidential can- 
didate. — Chicago Evening Mail, June 6, 1884. 

The Chicago Trihnne of May 31st called attention to various 
plans and propositions to nominate Judge Foraker for the vice- 
presiclency. 

Ohio came here for harmony. Even in the selection of the vice-presi- 
dent she gracefully waived all claims, thoutrh Judge Foraker's name had 
been prominently mentioned. — Chicago Tribune. 

The soldier element were vociferously for Judge Foraker. — Chicago Times. 

The judge had no wish for the vice-presidential nomination, 
and gave his ardent support to General Logan. 

JUDGE foraker's repartee. 

General McLaren was introduced to Judge Foraker at the 
Grand Pacific, Cliicago. 

" What, is this Judge Foraker ?" 

" It is, sir." 

" What, Judge Foraker of Ohio ?" 

" The same sir." 

" Not the late candidate for governor?" 

« Yes, sir." 

"But, judge, you are so young. I " 

"Oh, interrupted the judge, " 111 get over that in time." 

Ex-Senator J.B.Chaffee, chairman of the Republican National- 
Executive Committee, says the 

" YOUNG MEN MUST COME TO THE FRONT. 

A new generation has sprung up. The old factions have worn 
the party tlireadbare. It was so with the Democratic party. But 
their young men got hold of tlie macliinery of the party. They 
nominated an obscure man, practically without a record, and 
elected him. Tlie same things are working in the Republican, 
party to force us to follow this road." ' 

RATIFICATION AT TURNER HALL, CINCINNATI, JUNE 11, 1884 — TREMEN- 
DOUS OVATION. 

The chairman introduced Judge Foraker as the young gallant leader of 
Ohio Republicans. Judge Foraker received a tremendous ovation. Hats 
and handkerchiefs were waved, and it looked like a small edition to the 
Chicago Convention. — Commercial Gazette. 

Extract from the speech op judge foraker. 
* * s "He (James G. Blaine) has done his work by twenty- 
five years of arduous public service. He has done it by an illustrious 



— 78— 

career that has been run in the presence of the American people — a career 
that has endearal him to the hearts of this people. * * We see this by 
the bonfires lit ou every hill top, by the cannon thundering all over this 
country, by the ratification meetings all over this land. * * * We are 
in favor of Republicanism, for that means human liberty and equality of 
rights. We are in favor of Republicanism, for that means nationality as 
opposed to state sovereignty." ******* 

ONE OF THE COMINa MEN OP THE COUNTEY. 

The Portland Advertiser, .June 21, 1884, said of Judge Foraker 
upon his visit of ceremony to Mr. Blaine : 

"Judge Foraker of Ohio looks to be about thirty-three, though he must 
be forty. He is a clean-cut, level-headed man, w^ho makes a good showing, 
and is one of the coming men of this country. He began life low down, and 
grew from a private soldier into a good place during the war. Since the 
conflict, he has educated himself, been an excellent judge, candidate for gov- 
ernor, and is waiting for greater honors. He makes a good speech, and in 
the recent convention at Chicago, as in the present gathering of which he 
is a central figure, he has more attention than any other single man." 

SOUND, GOOD SENSE. 

At Portland, Maine, June 27, 1884 : 

Chairman Reed. — To say that I have kept the best speaker for the iast 
would be invidious to the distinguished men that have addressed you. * * 
But you must have noticed among the foremost figures of the Chicago Con- 
vention a gentleman distinguished not only for his eloquence, but for sound, 
good sense. That gentleman I introduce to you, — Judge Foraker." 

NATIONAL REPUTATION. 

The Lewiston (Maine) Journal said of Judge Foraker that he 
" is a young man of national reputation. His address was one 
of the most telling in the campaign. * * * He is an orator of 
force and directness, holding the closest attention^of the audience 
to the last." 

Extract from the speech at Lewiston : 

" As your chairman has said, I come to you from the State of Ohio. It 
is a long distance from that State to this. I have journeyed through many 
of the States of the Union, each one of which has had much interest for me. 
The States, however of Virginia and Massachusetts have occasioned particu- 
lar interest. These are much more interesting because they are the two 
states that have given us the two parties now before the country. On the 
one hand we were given by Massachusetts that civilization propagated by 
the Pilgrim Fathers from Plymouth. On the other hand Virginia gave us 
that of Jamestown. Both were marked by most characteristic acts in 
their early life. That of the Plymouth Colony was marked by the estab- 
lishment at Cambridge of a seat of learning that is to-day known and 
honored throughout the world by the name of Harvard University. 
The first characteristic act of the other civilization of the South, was the 
purchase at Jamestown, Virginia, of a cargo of slaves. The first civ- 
ilization cast across the entire northern half of our republic a golden ray 
illuminating it with the snniight of a glorious liberty ; the other cast across 
the entire South the dark blight of the curse of human bondage. The one 
civilization taught men to be self reliant, to depend upon their own re- 
sources, to act their own responsibility. 



— 79 — 

"As time passed those two civilizations invaded the field of politics. It 
was early forseeu by the statesmen of the South, that it was only a question 
of time when the civilization of the North would outstrip them in the race. 
So they began their war on States." 

Judge Foraker made a review of the various disputes, invasions, and de- 
mands of slave power. 

" Then it was that the Republican party came into existence, and it met 
at the threshold of its existence the same Democratic party of to-day. In 
1860, under the lead of the immortal Lincoln, [applause] it took charge of 
the government." 

Judge Foraker reviewed the history of the war. 

"It was with great surprise when we were entering on the career of 
peace to hear that the 

MISSION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 

was ended, We were told that with the completion of the work it ought to 
step down and out, and let the Democratic party resume the work, 

" The people said ' No.' The debts of this great war must be paid. They 
said ' No' in 1868, and so they repeated it in 1872, and again in 1876, and 
once again in 1880. And now they are getting ready to do it again in 1884, 
by the election of James CI. Blaine to the Chief Magistracy. [Applause.] 
And they ought to do it. There are several reasons why they should. The 
mission of this party is not done, not until all through this land there is a 
free ballot and a fair count." [Tremendous applause.] 

The speaker dealt briefly with the right of the Nation as such to take 
charge and examine into the legality of the votes ;in the States. In bis 
opinion it is objectionable to relegate this^matter wholly to the States. It 
seems strange that the United States can come into a State and lay hands 
on us and compel us to go forth to battle for her on fields of war and then, 
that war over, the State line should rise up so high »that the United States 
government can not come in and protect the people in the right and majesty 
of their ballot. Judge Foraker referred to Hamburg, Danville, and the mur- 
der of Print Matthews in Copiah County. " What I want, what you want, 
is a man in the chief magistracy of this nation who can not only punish 
these outrages, but prevent their recurrence." 

JUDGE FORAKER AND THE NARROW GAUGE. 

The character of the man is shown in the following letter. It 
will be seen that some one had started the report' that he was in 
some way responsible for the fact that the employes of this road 
had not been paid their wages for the month of July, 1883; but 
that the attack only served to bring out the fact that he had been 
the means of the men getting one months' pay for October, 1883, 
and that he had gratuitously, for mere sake of seeing justice 
done to the laborers of the road, gone outside of the duties im- 
posed upon him, to argue to the court the case of these men, and 
that it was upon his advice that the efforts are being made that 
are to secure the men their money eventually as it is hoped. 
And so it is in this case, as in all others, that assaults upon his 
character or conduct only serve to develop new features that add 
to his claims upon the confidence of all. 

The following was sent to the editor of the Dayton Journal, in 
response to his inquiry as to the Democratic charge that Judge 

6 



— 80— 

Foraker was responsible for the delay in the employes and cred- 
itors receiving their dues on account of labor and supplies fur- 
nished the road before and after it went into the hands of the 
receiver, and that Judge Foraker advised and defended the 
course which led to this. The judge wrote : 

*' The trouble with the article is that there are no ' facts ' 
whatever in it. 

" I never was attorney for the ' Narrow Gauge,' and had 
nothing whatever to do with the making of any of its debts. 

" After the road had been put into the hands of a Receiver I 
was appointed by the court to represent him in such matters at 
Cincinnati as demanded the services of an attorney. 

" In pursuance of this employment I represented Mr. Craig 
the Receive^, in a great many very important suits, about 
which he was almost constantly occuj^ied for more than a year. 

"Instead of opposing the payment of the laborers and other 
claimants, I did all in my power to secure their payment. At the 
time Mr. Craig was appointed Receiver, November 1, 1883, there 
were due to the laborers two months' wages, namely, July and 
October, 1883. 

" The court at first refused to allow Mr. Craig to pay the men 
for either month, holding that the Receiver should not be re- 
qtiired to pay any debts, except those of his own making. 
Finally, however, atpoti the application of Mr. Craig and myselfy 
Judge Sage made an order allowing him to pay the October pay- 
roll. 

" But the court still refused and yet refuses to allow him to pay 
for the month of July. As attorney for the receiver, I had 
nothing to do with any matters except such as the receiver con- 
sulted me about, and when the court decided a question, of 
course I was bound by it as well as everyone else. 

"Notwithstanding all this, I have at different times, when 
the matter has come up, done all in my power to induce the 
court to change its ruling, and order the wages of July, 1883, 
to be paid. When all such efforts failed, I then advised the 
men (such of them as applied to me) to combine and make 
up a claim amounting to S5,000, so as to give the Supreme Court 
of the United States jurisdiction, and on such a test case endeavor 
to reverse the ruling of the court here. In pursuance of this sug- 
gestion I understand such a case is being made up. 

" On the 6th day of last February I wrote to Ed. L. Spencer 
of Chillicothe, Ohio, in regard to the claims as follows: 

" ' With respect to other claims for wages for July, 1883, I have always 
been anxious to see them paid, and have frequently brought them to the at- 
tention of the court, in the hope that some provision might be made, and 
that they should be paid, for while it is true that they are not debts of the 



— 81 — 

receiver, yet they are debts for which the bondholders who own the road 
got the benefit. All claims for labor, at least, ought to be paid, but of 
course I am powerless in the hands of the court.' 

" I might made similar quotations from many other such let- 
ters, but deem it unnecessary. In confirmation, however, of all 
I say I respectfully refer you to the Hon. John A. McMohon of 
Dayton, and to Wm. J. Craig, the receiver of the road, both of 
whom are Democrats. 

*' The 'fact' is, therefore, that in the first place I have nothing 
whatever to do with the contracting of the debts of the company. 
I did not, in fact, know there was such a railroad in existence 
until I Avas sent for by the court and told that it had been put in 
the hands of a receiver, and that I had been appointed to act as 
counsel for such receiver, a man I never before had heard of. I 
did the best I could to satisfacorily discharge the duties thus 
imposed upon me, but never at any lime opposed the payment 
of the claims against the road for labor, or anything else, but on 
the contrary, did all in my power to get the men their pay for 
both October and July, and regretted very much when I failed 
as to July. Very truly, etc., 

J. B. FORAKER. 
THE ELECTION FRAUDS OF OCTOBER, 1884. 

The Committee of the Lincoln Club on Elections, affected by 
the frauds by which the election of April, 1884, was carried in 
Cincinnati, gathered the evidence and submitted it to Judges 
Foraker and Bateman for examination. Judge Foraker and his 
associates said : 

"We are satisfied that the voice of the majority of the legal voters has 
been clearly overborne by corrupt practices and illegal voting. The evi- 
dence shows systematic frauds, organized and paid for, and directed by 
political agents. It shows the existence and use of professional repeaters, 
hired in gangs, and voting from poll to poll. In many of the precincts the 
election was a farce. It is clear that if the use of the ballot-box is to be 
preserved this crime must be resisted at once before the vilest classes shall 
have handed the city government and public ofiices wholly over to their 
kind, and frauds upon the electors at the polls shall become the recognized 
and necessary means of party success." 

The frauds of the spring led to legal efforts to prevent their 
repetition in October, These efforts were largely successful. Judge 
Foraker felt that southern methods w^ere being employed in Cin- 
cinnati, and he ranged himself openly and firmly on the side of 
the purity of the ballot, 

THE DEMOCRATIC HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

ordered an investigation which seemed mere political strategy. 
Charges were made against Lot Wright, United States marshal, of 
"usurpation of power," and "violation of law." Judge Foraker 
entered with spirit upon the defense of Marshall Wright, which 



— 82 — 

meant the defense of the purity of the franchise. In his brief, 
Judge Foraker said : 

" And in this connection, to show what might have happened had not 
the influence of these deputy marshals been felt, we call the attention of the 
committee to the testimony with regard to what is known in this record as 
'the Hammond Street outrage;' for, notwithstanding all that was said by 
counsel at the hearing, and notwithstanding all that was testified to by 
Mullen, the convicted perpetrator of that outrage, there never was such an 
outraire perpetrated north of the Ohio River on citizens of the United States 
with respect to the exercise of their right of suffrage. 

"That testimony shows that at midnight the 

HOMES OF PEACEABLE COLORED CITIZENS, 

many of whom had lived there for years, were invaded, and they were 
marched bodily by the police officers, under the direction of Mullen, to 
the station-house, where they were shut up and kept from about mid- 
night preceding the election until after six o'clock the day of the election, 
and for no other purpose than to deprive them of the exercise of their right 
of suffrage — a right they were as much entitled to exercise at that election 
as Lieutenant Mullen himself; and all this without any charge whatever 
against them. 

" This testimony was so convincing and overwhelming that at the trial of 
the case Lieutenant Mullen entered into a compromise agreement, which 
was in its effect a confession of his guilt, to the effect that the jury should 
find him guilty of having thus deprived one hundred and fifty-two citizens 
(as the court found) of their right to vote. This outrage of itself is enough 
to show the desperate purposes and designs of the Democratic party with 
respect to that election in the city of Cincinnati, and to warrant all that 
Marshall Wright did in the appointment of deputies and in the arming of 
these deputies to prevent such outrages, and to preserve the peace and pu- 
rity of the ballot-box." 

IN THE DEFENSE OF THE PURITY OF THE BALLOT 

there were associated with Judge Foraker in this gratuitous ser- 
vice the Hon. Mr. Moray, ex-member of congress, of Hamilton, 
and Hon. Messrs. Goodhue and Probasco. 

After Mr. Follett had for days attempted to smirch Mr, Wright 
with the Nettle gang, Judge Foraker adroitly demonstrated that 
the gang were all Democrats. The judge made it manifest that 
not a Democrat had been deprived of his vote at the October 
election. The Kentucky witnesses for the Democrats became self- 
convicted and justified Marshal Wright in his preparations for 
the Bourbon invasion. 

When Foraker had suffered unjust treatment for several days 
in behalf of the marshal, he felt it his duty to the country and 
the ballot to put a stop to this, which he did effectually. Mr. 
Springer made a confession, and the judge and the cause of a 
pure ballot were not snubbed thereafter. We extract from a re- 
port of the proceedings in the Commercial- Gazette. 

Judge Foraker asked the witness if he "was not aware that he bore the 
reputation, whether deservedly or not, of being at the head of a notorious 
gang of repeaters who had long carried on their nefarious work ?" 



Before the witness could answer, Chairman Springer said in a louder tone 
of voice than he had been heard to use before during the entire investiga- 
tion : 

" No witness in this investigation shall be permitted to be insulted by 
counsel for defense, and the witness need not answer that question." 

[It will be noted that Mr. Springer made an exception against counsel for 
the defense. He is particular that counsel for the defense must not insult 
witnesses, no matter what counsel for the complainant may do.] 

And then occurred something of a breeze. 

Judge Foraker asked with emphasis: "Do I understand the Chair to 
charge me with intending to insult the witness?" 

Mr. Springer, otherwise Follett's counsel, lifted up his voice again and 
said, " I believe you did." 

"Then," said {he judge, "I shall at once withdraw from this investiga- 
tion." 

Then Follett's counsel (otherwise known as Sprinsrer) said with as much 
impertinent suavity as he could command, " You may act your own 
pleasure as to that, Judge Foraker," adding with indecent haste, "I wish 
you a very good-morning." 

Judge Foraker then closed his book of documents, folded his papers, and 
made preparations for retiring from the committee. 

Governor Stewart here interposed and said, "I think the Chair will 
allow me to say that I believe he acted hastily. Judge Foraker certainly 
did not offer an insult to the witness, though perhaps the question should 
not have been put in that form." 

Then Follett's counsel, who is such at the expense of the national govern- 
ment and the tax-payers, said again, " Nothing shall be said to any wit- 
ness at this investigation which may tend to offend him or affect the free- 
dom of his testimony." 

By this time Judge Foraker had prepared to retire. With hat and coat 
and documents in ha d, lie thus addressed the fiippaut congressional 
official, i. e-, Follet's counsel : 

" It was offensive to ask the witness if he had been in the penitentiary, 
but no lawyer will deny my right to question him on this jioint. I consider 

THE LAAVYER A COWARD WHO TAKES ADVANTAGE 

of his position to unnecessarily offend a witness who is powerless to defend 
himself. I never permitted it when I was upon the bench, and I emphati- 
cally resent the imputation now cast upon me — the first in sixteen years' 
practice. I asked the witness ' whether deservedly or not' " — 

Springer, by this time, had become dizzy from the unusual height to 
which he had climbed, in the hope of plucking feathers from an eairle. He 
began to want to get down. He- had got above the reach of Follett and 
Baker. Tliey had never ventured to reach such a heiglit. Follet wouldn't 
venture after his counsel, for he knew from late experiences that he couldn't 
come within 1,609 of it. Baker was already all dazed from looking up to 
where Springer had taken his aerial flight. So Springer began to backdown 
himself, and when he got to where the atmosphere was not quite so thin, he 
asked of the Judge : 

" Did you say ' whether deservedly or not?' " 

"I certainly did," was the reply, "and I appeal to the stenographer's 
notes." 

He was corroborated by the stenographer, and then Judge Foraker deliv- 
ered himself of an eloquent pi-oiest against the unjust treatment he claimed 



— 84— 

to have received from the committee all through this inquiry. Mr. 
Springer made a humiliating confession of hasty conduct, and there was 
molification all around. 

The congressional official, alias "Springer," alias " Follett's counsel," had 
scarcely shaken down his feathers after his perilous flight and subdued his 
nerves of the dizzy sensation than he was further humiliated by Van 
Alstyne, who asked: 

"Well, Springer, shall I take the chair?" 

SPRINGFIELD PRE-CONVENTION NOTES. 
XO MANAGEMENT BY JUDGE FORAKER. 

In the two years that have passed, Judge Foraker has given 
some time, during the presidential campaign, to tlie discussion 
of public questions, but he has been busy in the labors of his 
profession. 

y When the question of his nomination for another gubernato- 
rial race came up, he declined to take a personal part, but frankly 
said he could not refuse the nomination if it were tendered him. 

His friends have not been organized in his behalf, not even in 
his own county — and the delegates from Hamilton were not 
chosen so as to make a suggestion to the rest of the State. There 
has been no management. Judge Foraker has maintained 
HIS DIGNITY AND EASE OF ATTITUDE. — Commercial-Gazette, May, 
1885. 

NO CANDIDATE. 

" What about your own candidacy, judge?" 

" I am not a candidate for the Republican nomination for 
governor, and will engage in no contest for it. If it comes in the 
nature of a compliment from the Republican party I would be 
flattered, indeed. * * * I am not standing on a pedestal 
waiting to be struck by lightning, and shall not feel disap- 
pointed if I am not nominated. I will make no fight. I will 
have no struggle with Republicans before the campaign opens.^' 
— Interview, Enquirer, April, 1885. 

PERSONAL POPULARITY. 

Foraker is one of the coming men of this country, and the 
sooner Ohio pushes him to the front the better for her. He at- 
tracted the attention of all present by his fine speech at the 
Chicago Convention, and it was a question whether it was not 
the best speech delivered on that occasion. Foraker has per- 
sonal jDopularity, — Cleveland Leader, January 22, 1885. 

OFFICE NOT SOUGHT. 
The canvass of Judge Foraker was of marked ability. No citizen should 
seek the nomination to an office and strive to obtain it. This Judge For- 
aker has never done. — Bucyrus Journal, February 29, 1885. 

HIS OPEN, FRANK, MANLY WAY 

of meeting measures and questions pleases the Republicans of old Knox. — 
Mt. Vernon Bepuhlican, April 17, 1885. 



—85 — 

KO BLOT, KO BLElVnSH. 

There is not a Republican in Ohio who can find a blot or blemish on the 
personal or political character of Judge Foraker. He meets all require- 
ments — Sandusky Register. 

NO BETTER MAN IK THE STATE, 
and no one who can win more votes. — Georgetown Gazette, January 21, 1885. 

In 1883 the nomination for governor 

MOST EMPHATICALLY SOUGHT JUDGE FORAKER. 

He rose into a most popular candidate. * * * No one attributed the 
defeat of the party in 1883 to him. * * * He is not, either 
openly or secretly, scheming to obtain the nomination. Before the scrutiny 
of all men, he is strictly attending to his own professional business. * * 
Captain Foraker believes that a citizen should not be insensible to the dis- 
tinguished honor conferred by a re-nomination, yet he has too high a sense 
of honor to permit him to seek it. — Bucyrus Journal, January 16, 1885. 

Foraker is leaving the matter altogether to the Republicans of the State. 
In 1883 he led a forlorn troop in gallant style. Politicians agree that 

SHERMAN OR BLAINE WOULD HAVE MET 

the same fate. — Commercial- Gazette, January 11, 1885. 

JUDGE FORAKER IS REMAINING QUIETLY AT HOME 
attending to his law business, and is making no effort to secure the nomina- 
tion for governor. He has everything to lose, in a pecuniary sense, if he 
should be nominated and elected. He has a remunerative law practice to 
which he devotes his whole attention. He has no desire to abandon his 
law practice for politics. If he receives the nomination, which there is 
every probability of his doing, it will be because the Republicans want 
him as their standard-bearer in the coming political contest in this State, 
Judge Foraker has NO consuhung AMBITION TO be governor of this 
STATE. — Miami Union. 

Foraker's conduct during the campaign of 1883 was so vigorous and 
manly, that defeat did not lower him in the estimation of the people. In 
the campaign of last fall, Foraker was 

THE foremost IN THE FIGHT, 

and by his vigor, wisdom, and eloquence, he achieved a national reputa- 
tion. No other young man in Ohio is as widely and favorably known.— 

Circleville Union Herald, February 5, 1885. 

We have had the most thorough faith in 

JUDGE foraker's INTEGRITY, 

in his loyaltv, * in his Republicanism, in his humanity. — Sandusky Register^ 
February 6, 1885. 

* Note. — Ben's parents came to Ohio from Virginia because of 
their love of liberty and of their whole country. Ben was born 
loyal. He was bred a loyal boy. " Carp" in Cleveland Leader 
tells of 

foraker's first FLAG-RAISING. 

Young Foraker was raised on a farm in southern Ohio, and his 
patriotism developed rather early. During the Freemont cam- 
paign, when flag-raisings and mass-meetings were setting the 
country wild, young Foraker's parents went away on a visit, 
leaving Ben, who was ten years old, at home. The boy concluded 



— 80 — 

rORAKER HAS NOT TIIKUHT UIMSELF TO THE FRONT, 

He has asked no man in Ohio to advocate or promote his nomination. He 
haa written no line of solicitation forvoten. He thinks that the office should 
seek the man. He is 

ABOVE EVERY TRICK OR ARTIFICE. 

He is a man of pure methods. Judge Foraker is an almost perfect type of 
the best Uepublicanism of the nation. — Dayton Journal. 

Tho AU>ani/ Evr^ning Journal C^ .Y .,) regards the campaign (1883) 
of Jiulg(3 Forakor as not only brilliant, Ijut under Uni cire.iim- 
stances that he sliould iiave been " dc'feated" by only a few thou- 
sand in a poll of a million as the most striking evidence of 

HIS WONDEUFUL I'UJ.ITICAL AVAILABILITY. 

Two years ago, when Judge Foraker captured the State con- 
vention he sur{)rised the old(;r heads and made the 

MOST AGOHKSSIVB CAMI'AfGN IN THK IHSTOUY OF OHIO. 

He was bea,t owing to a mistaken attitude of tlie Prohibition- 
ists and wool-growers. The i)eculiar causes of Foraker's defeat 
after such a brillin.nt canvass were r(;cognized, and he became at 
once the most ])OpuI;i,r man in State politics, 

KKVKKSINa THE USUAL CONDITIONS 

incident to a defeat. At (Chicago he was cliairman of the Ohio 
delegation, and i)laced Sherman in nomination with a speech 
that thrilled the convention. 

Judge Foraker represents the hearty feeling as well as the de- 
liberate preference of the party. — New York Tribune, April 27, 
1885. 

Foraker has made 

WONDKRFUL rilOORESS 

for a new man. I rctnenrber quite well vvlien he first came prominently to 
my notice as governor of Oliio. It was wlien he resigned as judge of the 
Superior Court in Cincinnati. ILiif a dozen of the leading attorneys of the 
city telegraplied to take no action on the resignation until they could see 
the judge atid luiikc jin cdort to induce him to reconsider. He would not, 
however. Later I uU'ered him 

to have a flag-raising of his own, and he found on the other side 
of the Rocky Fork a tall, straight sassafras-pole which he consid- 
ered the very thing for the puri)ose. He cut it down with a 
hatchet, dragged it to the Rocky Fork, threw it in the water and 
Bwam across, pushing it in front of him. The story of his expe- 
dients to get it up the hill on the other side shows his persever- 
ance. His little sister helped him, however, and the pole was 
finally planted after a week's hard work. He then took a couple 
of child's petticoats, one red and the other blue, and with these 
and one of his father's best shii'ts he made a flag and hoisted it 
to the top of the pole. Wluui the family returned they found 
young Ben triumphant, and the red, white, and blue Hag waving 
over their farm-house. 



— 87— 

A SEAT ON THE SIJPBEME BENCH 

when a vacancy occurred, but he declined. I remember well the origin of 
the effort to nominate him for governor. It was at the State-house in C!ol- 
umbus. A number of Ohio and Cincinnati gentlemen were talking about a 
probable candidate. They said Judge Foraker would be a good man. He 
was a clean man. The people of Cincinnati admired him and loved him. 
The Republicans of Columbus and from various parts of the state imme- 
diately coincided, and exclaimed, " Foraker is just the man we want in 
this fight. He has no record behind him that would make him objectiona- 
ble to any faction." Other men who had been canvassed were dropped 
after that, and Foraker was decided upon by men from all portions of the 
State as the standard-bearer for the coming campaign. — Governor Foster. 

The Cleveland Plain-Dealer (Democrat) published an interview 
at Columbus, which shows what the duty of the people is. The 
private objection to Foraker as therein exhibited is 

THAT " HE HAS NO MONEY," 

that " it would not be wise to nominate him because 

" HE. IS NOT WEALTHY. 

" The candidate must have funds. We must strike a man that 
has funds." 

This is a libel upon the Republican party and the people. 
May the day never come to the Republic when poverty is a dis- 
qualification and wealth a qualification for oflBce. 

Foraker's nomination means 

THE NEW ERA 

in our later politics. 

Judge Foraker's whole life has been one of 

BEMARKABLE PURITY OP PURPOSE AND METHODS. 

He has never had any connection with rings. He has not used 
the ordinary nor indeed any devices for securing nominations. 
Without any assumption of superior purity, his oflficial life en- 
courages the young in quiet, steady attention to duty, leaving re- 
sults to God and the people. 

He has never sought an oflftce, and has never accepted any 
compensation or any office for which he has not rendered a full 
equivalent. 

NO NOMINATION BY SOLICITATION. 

The following private letter (published by an admirer of clean methods) 
was written to a comrade of Captain J. B. Foraker at the Soldiers' Home. 
A member of the same regiment in the war addressed him a note express- 
ing a desire to help him obtain the nomination for governor. Judge Fora- 
ker replied in the following characteristic terms : 

Cincinnati, May 30, 1885. 
Geo. W. Doughty, Esq., National Military Home, Ohio : 

Dear Sib: — * * * x would gladly comply with your request 
to extend you some aid, as you suggest, if it were not that 



I have determined if I am to be nominated at all it shall be as 
always heretofore, without doing anything whatever personally 
to bring about such a result, and especially without expending a 
single cent of money. 

I know that you would not use any money save in a legitimate 
.way, and aside from the fact that you will use it only in that 
manner, I would be glad to give it to you on account of old 
friendship and comradeship ; but already in yesterday's news- 
papers I see the charge that I have emissaries traveling over the 
State upon money that I have furnished them. This is all false. 
I have not furnished anybody a cent, and do not intend to. 
Neither have I any emissaries or agents of any kind in my em- 
ployment anywhere. The truth of the matter is, I do not want 
a re-nomination unless it is the wish of the party to give it 
to me without my asking for it. * * * Ji^ * * 

Hoping that you will fully appreciate my situation, and knowing that 
you will approve my feeling and determination in regard to the matter in 
this respect, I remain 

Very sincerely yours, etc. J. B. Foraker. 

THE SPRINGFIELD CONVENTION. 

Judge Foraker, though telegraphed for Tuesday and AVednes- 
day morning, declined going to Springfield. When the noon 
train arrived, great was the disappointment at Foraker's non-ar- 
rival. It was said that Foraker had doubts about going at all. 
Upon continued urgent requests he consented, reaching Spring- 
field in the evening of Wednesday. 

The meeting was similar to that of Blaine's in 1884. 

Reaching the steps, Foraker was relieved from the jam and 
started for his rooms ; but the cheers of the crowd called him to 
the balcony, and when order had been restored he said : 

My Fellow-Citizens: — I sincerely thank you for this very kind, cordial 
and complimentary greeting, and I trust that about this time to-morrow 
afternoon I may have occasion to thank you again. I have come here, how- 
ever, and with just this I shall excuse myself for the present — that I might 
attend this convention, and with you help to give expression to the Repub- 
licans of the State of Ohio. [Cries of " Good."] Whether you shall see fit 
to intrust our party banner again to my hands or give it to my worthy and 
esteemed friend. General Kennedy, or to my equally worthy and esteemed 
friend, General Beatty, or to any one else of the gentlemen who have been 
named in connection with that honor, I pledge you that no man in Ohio 
will be better satisfied with the result than I shall be; [cheers] and I say to 
you also, that whether you give it to me or give it to any one of them, the 
ticket nominated by this convention will have no heartier support from any 
man than that which I shall give to it from the first to the last day of the 
campaign. [Loud cheers.] It is a matter of but little comparative conse- 
quence what one of the gentlemen who have been mentioned shall have that 
honor conferred upon him. But it is a matter of the highest moment that 



— 89— 

the campaign which we have come here for the purpose of inaugurating, 
shall be made a triumphant success. [Loud cheers.] What we want to do, 
and upon that I congratulate you, is to keep up from this time until Octo- 
ber the enthusiasm with which you have inaugurated this campaign, to the 
end that when the election has been held there may go to the rest of the 
country as the verdict of the Republicans of Ohio, that sort of message 
which will inspire and give new life to Republicanism throughout the whole 
United States of America. [Loud cheers.] 

Leaving the balcony, he was escorted to rooms 52 and 54, which 
had been established by Cincinnati delegates, where a crowd of 
friends pressed forward to grasp his hand. 

In a few minutes he was again summoned to tlie balcony to 
greet tlie Montgomery County delegation. 

This delegation, on leaving the train, formed as quickly as the 
rush would permit, marched into the Arcade, and called for For- 
aker. He responded : 

Gentlemen: — I very much appreciate the compliment of being called a 
second time to address this audience. If there are any friends I would pre- 
fer to greet it would be the friends that come from Dayton. If you de- 
sire to listen to a speech, I know tliat there are many distinguished gentle- 
men within who would be glad to address you. Please excuse me with the 
assurance that I appreciate your kindness. — Dayton Journal. 

Returning to head-quarters, he was greeted by a host of dele- 
gates, and at 9 o'clock was serenaded by the Colored Foraker Club, 
of Springfield, led by Mr. Dewell, the colored attorney who was on 
the other side of the school case. He said : 

Gentlemen of the Springfield Colored Club:— I am informed that 
you have come here for the purpose ot serenading me. I do greatly appreciate 
the compliment, coming as it does not only from the colored men but the 
represesentatives of colored men — not, however, as a compliment to myself 
but as a compliment to my party that has placed colored men on the same 
plane of equa/ity with white men. 

Coming here as Republicans, entitled to a voice with all other men to se- 
lect a ticket, you are typical of the grandest work the Republican party 
ever accomplished. It reminds me of thirty years ago, when Republicanism 
meant hatred to human slavery. It reminds me of the war, which was not 
only to preserve the constitution, to preserve the unity of the States, but to 
strike the shackles from the arms of bondsmen. 

It causes me to remember, with pardonable pride I trust, that when as 
soldiers before Chattanooga, although we were poorly fed and suffering pri- 
vations; and anxious as we all were to return to our homes, yet we felt and 
wrote that now the war was on, it should not be concluded until every slave 
was free. 

I remember when I cast my first vote, in 1867. I voted the Republican 
ticket because the Republican party was in favor of the colored man voting, 
and the Democratic party was opposed to it. 

Only in this day's newspaper we read of the removal of Lot "Wright, re- 
moved because last fall when in the crisis of an election it had been deter- 
mined by the Democratic leaders that the scenes of Danville and Copiah 
counties should be introduced into Ohio. Lot Wright said that no such out- 
rage should be permitted north of the Ohio River. * * ^ * 

You are invested with every right, every immunity that the laws give to 
other citizens. 



— 90— 

OUTBURST OF POPULAR ENTHUSIASM. 

Foraker received a glorious greeting when he stepped from the 
train, and it was with the utmost difficulty that he could push 
his way to the hotel. Shouts were made of " Here comes the win- 
ner," and there was a row of hands stretched on either side to 
grasp his. There was a volley of salutations. Some called him 
"Foraker," some ** Judge," some "Captain." But with thoso 
who personally knew him the favorite s'alutation was "Joe" or 
"Ben." 

Headed by their brass band imd the banner of the Republican 
Club, of Precinct A, Twelfth Ward, Cine-innati, the Montgomery 
County delegation marched through the Arcade, The jam in that 
passage-way was very great. Calls were made for Foraker. He 
stepped out on the balcony, and was received with rousing cheers. 

With no desire to magnify the matter, I must say that I never 
saw such an outburst of 'popular enthusiasm at any State Conven- 
tion crowd as that on the present occasion. — Commercial- Gazette. 

When the train came in the crowds about it reminded one of 

THE BLAINE TOUR. 

"Where's Foraker?" "We've got him here," came the re- 
sponse from the car platform as the Hamilton County delegates 
crowded down. There was a hush of expectancy, and then For- 
aker came out, lifting his hat to the yelling thousands. A 
double escort line was formed by common consent, and through 
this he was almost carried into the hotel. Then the crowd fell 
back into the Arcade and the band marched through adding to 
the enthusiasm. 

In a minute Judge Foraker appeared on the balcony and stood 
watching the surging crowds below him. He looked as he did a 
year ago at Chicago while nominating Sherman. He made a 
neat little speech, and made a long, glorious stride over the 
ground which his enemies declared he had lost by his absence. — • 
Times-Star. 

NO CLAIMS — NO PLACE ASKED FOR. 

During the evening the enthusiastic multitude demanded 
another appearance of Foraker. The demonstration showed the 
hearts of the vast crowd of the people were with Foraker. He 
said : 

" I have come here only to thank you for this kind compli- 
ment. I come to Springfield'only as the rest have come, to take 
part in the counsels of the Republican party of Ohio, and help 
to prepare for a grand victory this fall. 



—91 — 

I HAVE NOT COME TO VAUNT ANY CLAIMS. I HAVE NO CLAIMS. 

*' It has ever been my pride to be simply a member of this 
party. I do not ask for any place, knowing that any place no 
matter how humble, that the party may give me, will be full of 
honor. No matter what the result may be to-morrow, no man 
will labor for our cause with greater zeal than myself." 

THE YOUNG MEn's BLAINE CLUB OP CINCINNATI, 

men of high moral worth, showed their enthusiasm for Foraker. 

They arrived at 10 o' clock, two hundred strong, and headed by the First 
Regiment, O. N. G. Band, marched from the depot to the head-quarters of 
the local clubs, who acted as an escort. While the Blaine boys were passing 
the Convention wigwam the Hamilton County delegates recognized them 
through the open door, and gave them a rousing reception. Immediately 
after dinner they formed in procession at the Court-house and marched 
through the two principal streets. They carried the Starry Club flacj and 
a Foraker banner, with an excellent oil-painting of the judge. On the 
back of the latter were the words: " Vim, Vigor, and Victory." There 
was an immense crowd in the Arcade, and as the club poured in to the 
jubilant music of their band, they were greeted with loud cheers. Foraker 
appeared on the balcony. It reminded one of the ovation to Blaine by the 
same club in Cincinnati. When quiet reigned, Foraker said : 

" Gentlemen of the Young Men's Blaine Club of Cincinnati , and fellow-citi- 
zens generally : — I sincerely thank you for this complimentary serenade. If 
there is any club in Ohio from which such a serenade could come with more 
welcome than another it is your club — the Young Men's Blaine Club of the 
city of Cincinnati. I have an especial admiration for you because of thefact 
that having been organized during the last year's campaign you took it 
upon yourself in the hour of defeat to turn a temporary into a permanent 
organization, and to enlist for life in the cause of Republicanism. Republi- 
cans of that character are the kind of Republicans we want in the State of 
Ohio. With such Republicans victory is sure. Again thanking you, I bid 
you good afternoon." — Commercial-Gazette. 

GOD-FEARING PROTECTOR. 

Ben. Butterworth's eulogy of Foraker was brilliant and unusu- 
ally sympathetic, and his happy allusion to Judge Foraker as one 
with whom he would trust the 

WELFARE OF HIS FAMILY AND LITTLE ONES, 

and die contented in the knowledge that they would have a con- 
scientious, careful, and God-fearing protector, touched the popu- 
lar heart. 

THE WIGWAM. 

Mr. O'Neal, Chairman of the State Committee, in the opening 
address to the convention said : 

Let us go hence with the determination to win victory whether 
the nominee be the gallant, courteous, hard-working Judge Joseph 
B. Foraker, who in response to the call of his Government, 
though but a boy sixteen years old, went forth as a private soldier 
to fight the battles of his country ; who two years ago at the head, 
of our ticket made a most brilliant fight, and who, though de- 



— 92 — 

feated, has never sulked in his tent, but who has responded to 
every call and worked earnestly for the success of the Repub- 
lican party. 

Hon. J. D. Taylor, temporary chairman, said : 

Gentlemen of the Convention : Accept my profound thanks 
for the distinguished honor you have conferred upon me, in mak- 
ing me temporary chairman of this, the largest and most en- 
thusiastic convention ever held in Ohio. 

YOUNG MEN THE STRENGTH OF REPUBLICANISM. 

Miller Outcalt, of Cincinnati, in presenting the name of Hon. 
J. B. Foraker, was received with unusual demonstration at the 
mention of the name of the candidate, the convention jumping 
to their feet and waving hats and fans in the wildest confusion. 
Mr. Outcalt spoke as follows : 
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen op the Convention : * * 
* ^ :^ The giants of mythology typilied the strength of 
young men, and to-day the strength of the Republican party is 
in the young men of this country, of whom it possesses a vast 
majority. Such were Blaine's words to the young men of Cincin- 
nati last fall, and to every one who heard them and to every one 
to whom they were repeated they gave new life and vigor and the 
rich promise of victory. Were those words idly said ? Hamilton 
County spoke then. She can and will speak again. Could truer 
words be said to-day ? Then it was a hope, — a promise, a pur- 
pose; to-day it is equal with the stars — immortal history and 
immortal truth. It is, therefore, in keeping with the spirit of this 
truth that the vast majority of the young men of this great 
commonwealth present the name of J. B. Foraker. [Applause.] 
Honored and respected in the councils of the young as well as 
the old, possessing that integrity of purpose and energy of politi- 
cal life which alone characterizes 

A GREAT and PURE MAN ; 

young because, as Ingersoll said, standing at his brother's grave, 
he has not yet reached that point in life's highway where the 
shadows are falling to the West, yet old enough to have shoul- 
dered the musket, and wearing the private blouse, marched to 
his country's defense twenty-five years ago, honored and respected 
for brave and valiant service as a soldier, and of pure and upright 
life as a good citizen, a conscientious lawyer, and a just judge. I 
do not make him greater than other men ; his worth as pictured 
in his every walk of life serves but to reflect the intelligent 
high-minded, 

GOD-FEARING MAN THAT HE IS AND THAT HE IS UNIVERSALLY 

KNOWN TO BE. 

I have said that he was honored and respected in the councils 
of the old as well as the young. Need my words further confir- 



— 93 — 

mation to the knowledge of men and things common to us ? Need 
I recall the facts and circumstances of his selection by our own 
illustrious Senator, John Sherman, to present his name at the 
national convention in Chicago last year ? Need I recall the fact 
and circumstances of his selection by that convention as one of 
the committee to formally notify Mr. Blaine of his nomination? 
Need I go further and recall the fact and circumstance of his 
selection, most wisely bestowed, to meet and escort Mr. Blaine on 
his trip through Ohio last fall ? Need I go still further to assert 
the fact that he enjoyed the confidence and esteem of Mr. Blaine 
himself, to whose judgment upon our state matters during that 
memorable campaign Mr. Blaine was glad to defer ? These are 
but a few of 

THE SHADOWS ON THE DIAL 

which point instinctively to his appreciation and recognition by 
the grandest leaders of our party. That he enjoys the confidence 
and respect 

OF THE COLORED AS WELL AS THE WHITE MAN 

you know full well. Devoted to the absolute equality of the two 
races, casting his first vote for the right of saffrage to the negro, 
fighting for that right with musket and bayonet when but a boy, 
writing to his home that this war would never end until all real- 
ized that this was a nation, and for the colored as well as for the 
white man, so does he now with all his strength and manhood 
struggle for the same cause ; and it is a most significant fact that 
since his candidacy has become known, clubs and organizations 
of colored men have been founded all over the State glad to wear 
his name and proud to do him honor. 

I have not yet spoken of his candidacy two years ago. Then, 
as we all know, tlie cause of Bepublicanism in this state was at 
the most but a forlorn hope, yet in the face of an admitted fact, 

LIKE A MARSHAL OP OLD, 

stimulated by the same courage and hope, he accepted the nomi- 
nation at your hands and infused a vigor and enthusiasm into 
that campaign which surprised even his most ardent friends and 
supporters. For the result he certainly, above all others, was not 
responsible. It was not Foraker's defeat but the defeat of the 
Republican party. Conditions and complications of State issues 
involving legislative action controlled the election then. Those 
complications do not now exist. Then he was almost a stranger 
to the great mass of people of this State. Though 

LOVED AND HONORED AT HOME, 

he became the party's leader two years ago, and the splendid 
canvass he made throughout this entire State steadily advanced 
him in popularity and public confidence ; and though unsuccess- 
ful then, he is to-day the most popular young man in Ohio. 



— 94 — 

His speeches were statesman-like, scholarly, logical, and convinc- 
ing. Free from all blundering, inviting no malevolence, destroy- 
ing all bitterness of feeling, it was conviction, truth, good-will. 
Friendship he regards as sacred, convictions as moral principle, 
and public duty well performed 

THE PRICELESS JEWEL OF MAN's RENOWN. 

Do not let it be said that he has earned this nomination, that he 
seeks or begs it, but rather that he is deservingly worthy of this 
high honor; for the Republican party, clothed in the garment 
woven from its splendid achievements during the past twenty-five 
years, rises above man or men. Then such is the man, such are 
the reasons which Hamilton County, the key and figure of the 
coming campaign, with its solid seventy-seven votes, presents to 
the Republicans of this State, and with a majority of ten thou- 
sand asks the nomination of J. B. Foraker for their Governor. 

MOST BRILLIANT CAMPAIGN SINCE TOM CORWIN — THE SPLENDID 

FELLOW. 

Ex-Governor Noyes said : " No more brilliant campaign has 
ever been made in this State by any man since the days of old 
Tom Corwin. * 

" Judge Foraker is a scholar, an able lawyer, a wise and dis- 
tinguished judge, a patriotic boy who without shoulder-straps 
put his blouse upon his back and shouldered his musket in the 
hour of our supreme peril, and went out to fight and help save 
the government of the nation. I say that his name is 

AN INSPIRATION TO THE REPUBLICANS 

of this State. * * * There is no name which 

CAN MORE INSPIRE THE PEOPLE OF THIS STATE 

than that of Joseph B. Foraker. The legislature next winter 
will select a successor to the Hon. John Sherman — whether it be 
himself or another, it would be convenient to have the fourteen 
members of the legislature from Hamilton County Republican. 
If you want them by 8,000 or 9,000 majority nominate the soldier, 
the statesman, the wise lawyer, the splendid fellow J. B. For- 
aker. [Tremendous applause.] 

Judge West said : " I am proud in the past to have done, I 
shall be proud in the future to do honor to that gallant gentle- 
man, J. B. Foraker." 

The first great demonstration of the convention was made 
when Mr. Covert (nominating Mr. Rose) mentioned the name of 
Judge Foraker. Then the great assemblage flew up, and did not 
get down for five minutes, floating high in air all that time upon 
the wind of wild yelling, hoarse cheering, and stentorian howl- 
ing. — Commercial- Gazette. 

*Foraker's campaign of 1S83 was the most brilliant in Ohio since that 01 
Tom Corwin. — Judge Haynes of Dayton. 



— 95 — 

"marching through GEORGIA." 

When it was announced that ballotting would begin for governor, there 
was a settling into seats and a preparation for the struggle, even as the old 
soldiers used to pull down their caps, tighten their belts, and draw a long 
breath when the order came to charge. 

It was apparent almost from the beginning that the day was Foraker's, 
and as the votes crept up regularly and swiftly to the necessary four hun- 
dred to nominate, it became harder for the red-hot Foraker men to restrain 
themselves, and when at last, with but three votes wanted to nominate, 
gallant old Trumbull County came up with a solid thirteen votes for Fora- 
ker, and settled the matter, the devil broke loose in the wigwam, and the 
scene was scarcely less in noise and imposing display then than it 
was at Chicago when James G. Blaine's nomination was accom- 
plished. The Band started up " Marching through Georgia," and 
everybody joined in a tremendous chorus, fairly making the 
walls rock and drowning out the very vigorous tooting and ham- 
mering of the band. — Commercial-Gazette. 

THE GREATEST DEMONSTRATIOK. 

When Trumbull County was reached in the call nearly the entire conven- 
tion jumped to their feet, and the greatest of all the demonstrations of the 
day ensued. Tliose who had been keeping tally knew at this point that the 
leader had secured over four hundred votes, and enough to nominate. It 
was some time before order could be restored, and the call of counties 
finished. Meantime, the band played "Marching through Georgia," and 
the convention joined in the cliorus. 

On motion of John C. Covert (representing Rose), the rules were sus- 
pended, and the nomination was made unanimous by acclamation. The 
motion was heartily seconded by Judge West (the blind orator representing 
Kennedy), and a delegate from Franklin (representing Beatty). 

THE NOMINEE APPEARS. 

Colonel Robert Harlan, Hon. Wm. McKiuley, and Colonel Allen Miller 
were appointed as a committee to bring the nominee before the convention, 
and Miller Outcalt, L. S. Bumgardner, and A. T. Brinsmade were appointed 
as a committee to perform similar service and escort Generals Kennedy and 
Beatty from their room to the convention hall. — Enquirer. 

ANOTHER BIG HURRAH. 

It took a long time to get the convention down to a basis of 
comparative quiet and common sense from the clouds of enthu- 
siasm. 

When Foraker appeared there was another big hurrah, and 
then, in his even, cooling tones, with his graceful manner and 
way so perfectly described by the word "taking," the judge for 
the second time accepted the leadership of the Ohio Republicans. 

There was at once evident a feeling of relief and gratification 
upon all sides at the outcome. And well might such a feeling 
arise. 

No party in any State ever marched under the leadership of a 
man more splendidly equipped for his duty in 



— 96 — 

STERLING MANHOOD, IN HONEST AND PURE RECORD, IN FRESH AND 
CLEAN, PERSONALITY, 

in rousing energy and fruitful resource, in ready and telling 
eloquence, in devoted and unswerving Republicanism, in heroic 
battle and high official record, animated by an ennobling ambi- 
tion, and guided in private life by the best and truest aims of the 
citizen. — Commercial- Gazette. 

Judge Foraker said : 

Mr, Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: — For this re- 
newed expression of your confidence I sincerely thank you. I should re- 
gard it as a great honor to receive this nomination under any legitimate 
circumstances, but I deem it especially such coming to me, as it does to- 
day, after the defeat of two years ago, and in preierence to the claim of 
such distinguished men as have been my competitors for your favor. I 
appreciate something other and more than what may be termed the mere 
personal compliment involved in this matter, for I appreciate also the fact, 
of which I am only too well aware, that the acceptance of this nomination 
necessitates the assumption by me of some important responsibilities. * * 

In this work I invite and insist upon the hearty co-operation of every 
Republican in the State of Ohio. [Applause.] I wish you to go away from 
this convention impressed with the idea that this work is your work as well 
as mine. Your candidate, unaided, can do but little, but with your united 
support we can easily defeat the Democratic party, and inspire Republican- 
ism with 

NEW LIFE AND COURAGE THROUGHOUT THE WHOLE NATION. 

* * * As we start out upon this work we are encouraged by the most 
auspicious circumstances, our position in this respect being in marked con- 
trast with that when we were assembled in Columbus two years ago. It is 
perhaps true that at that time 

I WAS THE ONLY MAN IN ALL THE STATE OF OHIO 

who confidently expected an election ; but to-day it would be difficult to 
find anywhere within the borders of our State any man of sound j udgment. 
Democrat or Republican, who has any serious doubt but what our entire 
ticket this day nominated will be in October next victoriously elected. At 
that time our Democratic friends had at the preceding election swept the 
State by a majority of more than 20,000. They were flushed with victory, 
and united and emboldened by confidence, whle we were weakened with 
dissension and discouraged by defeat. But to-day the situation is reversed; 
for while it is true that we have a Democratic administration at Washing- 
ton, the first we have had for the last twenty-four years, and the last we 
will have for the next twenty-four years to come, yet it is also true that no 
part whatever of the blame for it attaches to the Republicans of Ohio. 
On the contrary, our party banner in this State was was never more loftily 
carried than when it followed the unsuccessful but gallant and brilliant 
leadership of James G. Blaine. Hence it is that we go into this campaign 
without the depressing recollection resting upon us of a Democratic vic- 
tory of more than 20,000 at the last prior election, but, on the contrary, 
with the recollection of the most inspiring State victory ever recorded. It 
gives us assurance that since 1883 there has been a revolution of politi- 
cal sentiment in Ohio. The duty resting upon us is to take advantage of 



—97- 

these circumstances and give practical effect to this change of sentiment 
by the election of a Republican legislature and a Republican United 
States Senator. And after we shall have victoriously gone through this 
contest, it will be the proud privilege of Ohio to carry the old Republican 
banner of Ohio once more to the head of the column and lead it on to a 
grand and triumphant victory for the whole country by the election of a 
Republican president in 1888, 

This is not the time nor the place, gentlemen 01 the convention, for me 
to discuss or even to allude to the many issues and questions that enter 
into the campaign. * * * * * « 

Foraker's speech was a 

SINCERE AND MANLY EFFORT, 

and did credit to his head and heart. — Enquirer. 

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR. 

The theatrical event of the day was the nomination for Lieuten- 
ant-Governor. Foraker, Kennedy, and Beatty had all made 
speeches to the convention after the nomination for the first 
place, Beatty quite gracefully accepting the situation and Ken- 
nedy making the speech on "general principles." * 

When there was a general call for Kennedy for Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor he declined. The call was vociferously renewed. Kennedy 
reappeared, Foraker was sent for and suddenly placed by the side 
of Kennedy in the presence of the crowd. Foraker took his late 
competitor by the hand and the two stood in an attitude of 
friendly greeting and silent under deafening applause. — Enquirer. 

General Kennedy stretched out his hand to begin his speech of declina- 
tion. Just then Judge Foraker stepped out, stood by his side, and touched 
him on the shoulder. Kennedy let his hand partly fall, and turned half 
around to see who had interrupted, Judge Foraker put out his hand and 
stood smiling in Kennedy's face. Kennedy looked in his face, 
turned with an uncertain air toward the people, turned hesita- 
tingly back, looked in the judge's smiling face and down at the 
outstretched hand, and then slammed his right hand into the 
j'udge's, and the two, hand in hand, swung around facing the 
multitude, which immediately became a 

SCREAMING, DANCING, SINGING MOB, 

Said Kennedy, " It is the first time I was ever drafted." 

The nomination of Kennedy was received in the same spirit as that of 
Logan's at Chicago. -x- * -x- «- » 

'Note. — Hon. Wm. G. Rose, of Cleveland, was not at the convention. 
He thus wrote of Judge Foraker: "His defeat two years ago was no fault 
of his. He made a splendid campaign then, speaking at about one hundred 
meetings and never saying a word for which he or his friends had to apologize 
or make any explanations. Then last summer and fall he stumped the 
State, strengthening the very favorable impression made in the previous 
campaign. He was discreet in all his utterances and completely won the 
good -will of his party all over the State. I am glad he is put to the fronti 
again." 



— 98 — 

The report ran like fire in the grass, and outside the cheering echoed 
that within, and even the crowds in the Arcade burst forth with an answer- 
ing cheer. — Commercial-Gazette. 

I think I have seen 

NO MORE STRIKING SIGHT IN POLITICS 

than Foraker grasping Kennedy's hand and smiling upon the 
convention. Many delegates about me exclaimed that the entire 
convention was a reminder of the Chicago convention which 
nominated Blaine. — Times-Star. 

No more pleasing token of this good fellowship could have been 
given than was presented to the convention when Judge Foraker 
and General Kennedy grasped hands upon the front of the stage, 
in full view of the convention, as the latter was about to accept 
the already tendered unanimous nomination of the Lieutenant 
Governorship ; nor could that token have received a more hearty 
recognition than it received from the convention as the vast as- 
sembly rose in a body and amidst thunders of cheers and waving 
of hats and handkerchiefs, and the wild delirium of excited and 
happy delegates paid tribute to the two eminent, able, gallant, 
and handsome men who had been chosen the leaders in the com- 
ing campaign. — Dayton Jovrnal. 

RATIFIED BY FORAKER. 

Judge Foraker stated that if the convention would permit he 
would like to say a few words in ratification of the nomination 
which had just been made. His confrere upon the ticket might 
not know the fact, but this was not the first time they had been 
associated in public service, that they had belonged to the same 
brigade, the same division of the army twenty years ago. He 
said they made a good job of it then, and he believed they would 
make a good job of it this time. 

It required some time before the convention could recover from 
the demonstration and resume its work. — Enquirer. 

Two expressions were heard on all sides of this 

MOST SPLENDID AND SIGNIFICANT POLITICAL BODY 

ever assembled in Ohio : First, that it was more like a national 
than a State convention ; and, secondly, that never before had 
there been such an acquiescence by the defeated candidates and 
their friends in the will of the majority. 

There was no mistaking the strength of the feeling for Judge 
Foraker in the convention. His friends Avere warmly enthusias- 
tic, and, we may add, indescribably vociferous. Noise on such 
occasions has some significance. It means at least that those 
who make it are in earnest. 

It was not the unexpected that happened at Springfield yester- 
day. The re-nomination of Judge Foraker was the inevitable. 
The wave of sentiment in his favor gathered force daily, becom- 



—99— 

ing irresistible at the last. Judge Foraker was admired for his 
sterling and popular qualities. In the minds of the people and of 
the delegates the sense of obligation to the young leader of 1883 
and the certainty that he would infuse into the fight this year 
an enthusiastic and aggressive spirit outweighed all considera- 
tions as to the prestige of defeat. — Times-Star. 

There has never in the history of Republican conventions 
been a more cordial, united coming together of Republican forces. 

GRAY-HAIRED VETERANS IN THE PARTY 

fail to recall a convention where the nomination of a successful 
candidate was immediately indorsed by the representatives of 
all his competitors and ratified in person by his chief opponents. 
Miller Outcalt, young, smooth, and fresh- faced, made a first-rate speech 
in putting in nomination Judge Foraker, and Walter Thomas followed in. 
excellent manner. It was a good thing to see 

THE YOUNG MEN OF THE PARTY, WHITE AND BLACK, 

coming prominently before the people in the party affairs, and it is not 
upon record where any such young Republican called to the front has 
failed to acquit himself with credit to himself and the party. 

This convention will go into history as the most memorable one ever 
held by the party in Ohio, exceeding, perhaps, any previous one in interest 
and importance as much as it exceeds any other in numbers and enthusi- 
asm. The party in Ohio has never been assembled in a more brilliant, 
imposing, and distinguished meeting than that gathered in the wigwam 
this morning. — Commercial-Gazette. 

No such compliment was ever before extended to a guberna- 
torial candidate under such circumstances. The oldest and most 
experienced convention-goers stood in wonder at the magnificent 
ovation tendered the gallant though defeated leader in the con- 
test of two years ago. 

Murat Halstead says in the Commercial-Gazette : There has 
been no reason from the first discussion of the subject to doubt 
that Judge Foraker would a second time receive the nomination 
of the Republican party for Governor of Ohio. Doubts arose in 
his own mind as to whether he should go into the political field 
again, abandoning to that extent jrrofessional business with a flatter- 
ing tendency to grow lucrative ; but his manhood appealed, to him 
that if the people wanted him again it was not possible to refuse. 
* * * The fact was before the people that as the Memphis 
Avalanche put it, though Hoadley was elected two years ago, For- 
aker came out of the campaign with most reputation. The fight that 
Foraker made was a good one. There was a feeling throughout 
the State that the failure was not his fault. 

Now it would have been the height of unwisdom for the Re- 
publicans of Ohio to have held that Foraker had claims upon 
them, because he had been defeated in their name, that must be 
liquidated at a disadvantage to themselves. Of course they were 
just as free to nominate anybody else as if he never had been a 



— 100— 

candidate. There was prevalent among Republicans the just 
sentiment that the campaign of 1883 had worked an injustice to 
Foraker, and that it should be repaired. He was in a position in 
which vianly delicacy forbade him to go into the contest and organ- 
ize friends and struggle for the honor of a second nomination. 
He had simply to say that if he was wanted he was willing to 
try again, and then patiently to wait. Republicans in this coun- 
ty, too, Avho cared for their responsibilities, felt that it was not he- 
coming to heat the tom-toms and blow the hewgags in this quarter, 
and this for the reason that two years ago the Republican Con- 
vention, when Sherman could not be had, substantially asked 
Hamilton County to name the man. Foraker was named and 
beat, and certainly it was the thing now for the county to 
stand back and say that the State should name the candidate. 

We thought well of our neighbor, Foraker, but the State must 
call for him if he was wanted. The delegates in this county were 
not named until two days before the convention, and Foraker was 
the last of the candidates to go to Springfield. 

There was a very energetic personal canvass made by two tal- 
ented and liberal gentlemen, who furnished ample opportunity 
to those seeking a candidate other than Foraker to find one. In- 
deed, we thought the candidacy of the opposing gentlemen was 
too warm and spirited. The State called for Foraker. * * * 

The history of Judge Foraker is familiar to the people of Ohio. 
His career as a boy-soldier who educated himself after the war, 
and an irreproachal)le judge and eloquent advocate, and facile 
and persuasive speaker from the stump, is well known. It has 
been tried in the fire andjound without flaws. 

MUCH HIGHER TYPE OF POLITICS. 

The nomination meets the wishes of the party. Judge Foraker, in spite 
of his defeat of two years ago, is unquestionably well liked by his party, 
and deservedly so. He is an active and zealous Republican, enjoys 

A GOOD REPUTATION FOR HIGH PERSONAL CHARACTER, 

is a popular speaker, and shares the sentiments of his party. * * Judge 
Foraker represents the much higher type of politics. — Nc^i/ York Times, 

THE REPUBLICANS OF OHIO HAVE DONE WELL 

in again choosing Judge Foraker as their standard-bearer. He made a 
plucky fight in 1883 when the circumstances were less favorable for suc- 
cess than they now are. His course since that canvass has strengthened 
him in political estimation, and the enthusiasm which his nomination elic- 
ited yesterday foreshadows his triumph at the polls. Of course a Repub- 
lican victory is not to be won easily, but a good beginning has been made in 
the choice of the head of the ticket.- — New York Tribmte. 

NO TRADES. 

Under the inspiration of Judge Foraker's notions of pure polit- 
ical methods, there were no trades by the County of Hamilton. 
Foraker would not have accepted a nomination which would not 
have expressed, 



— 101 — 

UNINFLUENCED, THE WILL OF THE PEOPLE. 

" There were no trades anywhere," was the comment in many 
quarters, and with high gratification. 

WITHOUT A PRECEDENT. 

Without manipulation, without conference, with the expressed 
aversion of Judge Foraker as to modern political methods, with 
no bosses, and with no dark-lantern committees appointing dele- 
gates, with no packing of conventions, the seventy-seven dele- 
gates of his own county were amazingly firm for the judge in the 
convention. These seventy-seven delegates were elected by 
primaries straight to the convention. A delegation coming to a 
State Convention from Hamilton County unitedly and overflow- 
ingly enthusiastic for one candidate is without a precedent. 

" Show us a candidate," the delegates asked, " who has ever 
had a home delegation at his back like Foraker has." 

THE GERMAN WARDS. 
The most enthusiastically Foraker delegates were from the German 
wards, where the judge has always been strong. 

The Columbus Sonntagsgast {Gt^xvc\.2,n Independent paper) says, 

" AMONG THE GERMANS 

Foraker has become popular, owing to his outspoken, manly bearing. 
He can rest upon a heariy support from the German quarter." 

The Hamilton County Committee, June, 1885, 

Resolved, That this committee, recognizing the sentiment and desire of 
the Republican voters of this county, do recommend and indorse Hon. J. B. 
Foraker as candidate for Governor. 

This was carried with cheers. Major Smith declared Foraker to be 

"THE FOREMOST MAN IN OHIO TO-DAY." 

Fro7n a Correspondent to the Commercial-Gazette : 

A little over three years ago, when I first came to Cincinnati, my early 
newspaper duties consisted in finding candidates for Congress in the First 
and Second districts. The resignation of Judge Foraker from the Superior 
Court bench, owing to illness, brought him prominently before the public. 
Many citizens had told me during his illness, 

" A FINE GENTLEMAN IS JUDGE FORAKER ; 

you should meet him." I did meet him in his office where he was busy in 
getting his legal business on its feet. On first acquaintance with any man, 
I have never been more taken. I broached the idea of his becoming a 
candidate for Congress. He declined to favor the idea, declaring himself 
"out of politics." Strangely enough, a year later, when I had occasion to 
write up the Gubernatorial possibilities in Ohio, I mentioned Foraker as 
the one man from Cincinnati who could take control of the party in vigor 
and earnestness. His nomination in 1883 came so spontaneously, with 
scarcely the sign of an effort, that it dazzled the old politicians in Ohio and 
created an enthusiasm which made the campaign brilliant. And yet men 
asked then, 

"who IS THIS FORAKER?" 

And they are told again that he is a young man, a native of Highland 
County, Ohio, born July 5, 1846, and thirty-nine years old. His early home 
and birth place was near Rainsboro, but his boyhood days were passed 



— 102 — ^ 

I 

on a farm four miles above. He grew up a slender, pushing, and perse- 
vering lad, known to all the country roundabout as Ben. Foraker. He 
got the usual education that farmer-boys receive, and was fired with the 
spirit of patriotism when the war broke out. 

HE WAS ONLY FIFTEEN, 

and his older brother, Burch, soon became a captain. His parents ob- 
jected, but knowing the boy to be determined, finally consented, and he 
enlisted as a private in the 89th O. V. I. * * * * 

He came back home a captain, although but a boy in years. He had 
saved some money, and at once sought a better education. * * 
He decided that in Cincinnati he could do best as an attorney, although 
he was taken back at first to learn that there were 300 lawyers in that great 
city. He hesitated, but finally decided to become the three hnndred and 
first. He was not long in making himself known at the Cincinnati bar as 
a young lawyer of ability. * * * s- 

HE WAS THREE YEARS ON THE SUPERIOR BENCH, 

when he resip;ned because of ill health. He said to Uncle Ben. 
Eggleston while convalescing : " I do not care to remain on the 
bench and 

DRAW A SALARY WHILE I CAN NOT SERVE THE PEOPLE AND EARN IT." 

So against the counsel of his best friends and the ablest and best 
men in Cincinnati, without regard to party, he resigned. Sev- 
eral telegrams were sent Governor Foster asking that the resig- 
nation be not accepted. This was Foster's first knowledge of 
Foraker, and he afterward remarked that a man who could excite 

so MUCH SENTIMENT 

must be remarkably able. -•- * * 

His chief charm is his personal popularity. He is winning in his con- 
versation with 

MEN IN POLITICS, BUSINESS, OR PLEASURE. 

He stands incomparably beyond all in representing the younger element of 
Republicanism in Ohio. 

POST CONVENTION NOTES. 

Old politicians say that never since the days of Brough has there been 
such a lar^e and enthusiastic state convention as that at Springfield, and 
no ticket ever presented to the Republicans of Ohio was more acceptable. 

The observation has been freely made that Thursday's convention had 
NATIONAL BATHER THAN STATE CHARACTERISTICS. 
One item alone illustrates the truth of the observation. On the morning 
of the convention two young Cincinnatians, Lou Bauer and Jeff Ediiison, 
went to Springfield with Foraker badges, and by early in the evening, 
before the convention was through with its work, they had sold over fifty- 
four hundred. When their stock had been disposed of they tried to beg 
badges from members of the Young Men's Blaine Club, but the boys 
valued them too highly to part with them. — Commercial- Gazette . 

FORAKER WAS DELUGED 
with telegrams and letters of congratulation. " Black Jack " Logan was 
one of the first to send greetings, then Blaine, Fairchild, and Andrew D. 
White. They came not only from every corner of Ohio, but from New 
York, Indiana, Tennessee, Michigan, Minnesota, Maine, Pennsylvania, 
and other States. 



•103- 

I 

JUDGE HOADLY, WHEN ASKED, 

"What do you think of the Ohio Republican convention?" replied, 
"I was not surprised that the Republicans should have re-nominated 
Judge Foraker. He is an able man, of high principle and captivating 
manners. The people of Ohio so regard him, and he will make a brilliant 
canvass. He certainly made a very remarkable canvass two years ago, 
and I felt then, as I trust he did, that whoever won, nothing could be said 
about the personal bearing of his opponent. If Judge Foraker is to be my 
successor, I shall turn over the office to him with the greatest possible 
pleasure." 

THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT. 

The present Democratic party of Ohio is in no condition for the irre- 
pressible conflict that the energetic voung Foraker will force upon it.— 
Buffalo [N. Y.] Express. 

hoadly's good word for foraker. 

Governor Hoadly adds his testimony to the general fund in hearty 
approval of the ability and worth of Judge Foraker. — Indiajiapolis 
Journal. 

foraker WILL RALLY THE FORCES. 

Judge Foraker represents the kind of Republicans that so successfully 
governed the nation for a quarter of a century, and around him will rally 
the old forces that have made Ohio such a prominent factor in American 
politics. The contest for Republican reinstatement will be successfully 
inaugurated in Ohio. — Kansas City Journal. 

A DEMOCRATIC COMPARISON. 

The Lojcisville Times (Dem.), evening edition of Courier- yournal , says: 
"Both men [Foraker and Hoadly] live in the same ward in a Cincinnati 
suburb. Both are better known by their neighbors than they were two 
years ago. We do not intend to deceive ourselves if we can prevent it, 
nor would we deceive our readers if we could, but we venture to make 
this prediction : If Hoadly enters the field against Foraker again this fall, 
the present governor will be defeated by no less than 30,000 majority." 
The Times speaks of Foraker as being "true to his friends and true to the 
truth as he sees it." 

A candid SOUTHERN CONFESSION. 

The nomination of J. B. Foraker for the governorship of Ohio by the 
Republicans is a strong one. The candidate is in the prime of life, has 
large abilities, is popular with the masses — especially strong with the sol- 
diers. Foraker would not have gone through that body of able and cour- 
ageous politicians on the first ballot if he had not been carefully weighed 
and found to be the strongest candidate. — Chattanooga litnes (Dem). 

UNTARNISHED CHARACTER. 

He [Foraker] is a man of conceded abilities, has an untarnished char- 
acter, and is very popular. — Buff'alo Commercial Advertiser. 

won't take NO. 

Judge Foraker is an Ohio man who will not take no for an answer. He 
is in the field again, and is likely to hold it. — Philadelphia Inquirer. 

the STRONGEST. 

Judge Foraker is the strongest nomination the Ohio Republicans could 
have made. — Memphis Avalanche (Dem). 

the INEVITABLE. 

The Ohio Republicans have done the expected and indeed the inevita- 
ble thing in the renomination of Judge Foraker for governor. Forakei 



^ — 104— " 

was a good candidate two years ago, and went down largely because the 
Republicans had a prohibitory amendment on their hands, an issue which 
alienated the German vote. Since then the judge has been active in the 
Republican National Convention and on the stump, and his claims to the 
nomination were incontestable, — Springfield (Mass.) Republican (Inde- 
pendent). 

DISTIKCTIVE FEATURE. 

udge Foraker's reputation is fully as great here as at home, and he is 
the distinctive feature of the campaign to outsiders. — New York Cor- 
respondent Times-Star. 

ABILITY TO TTJKN DEFEAT INTO VICTORY. 

Judge Foraker's political career shows that he has the ability to turn de- 
feat into victory upon a second effort. His first campaign for Judge of the 
Court of Common Pleas of Hamilton County in 1877, was conducted against 
a combination of antagonistic elements and resulted in defeat. The young 
lawyer, however, came out of the fight with 

A PERSONAL REPUTATION UNTARNISHED, 

and with the prestige of a candidate who had run ahead of his ticket. So, 
two years later, he was again nominated for the same position, and was tri- 
umphantly elected. After three years of service on the bench, during 
which be acquired a reputation throughout the State for sound judgment 
and unimpeachable integrity, he resigned and spent a year abroad in search 
of health lost by too close application to business. Almost immediately 
upon his return from abroad he accepted the call of his party in 1883, to 
make a canvass for the Governorship against the overwhelming odds of that 
campaign. The temperance and wool tariff" issues defeated him. These 
are absent from the present fight, and tlius far the course of events has 
been parallel to his career in the politics of Hamilron County, and there is 
no reason to believe that the resemblance will not be completed with his 
election as Governor in October next. 
Judge Foraker possesses 

SUCH A HOLD UPON THE ELEMENTS — 

Dot factions — of his party as to insure him its solid support. * * * ^ 
significant fact that since his candidacy has become known, clubs and 
organizations of colored men have been formed all over the State, glad to 
wear his name and proud to do him honor. 

The ticket is one about which the soldier vote will rally as one man. 
Foraker was a private in the army. Foraker enlisted when a boy of six- 
teen, and although entitled to be orderly sergeant of his company because 
of the number of recruits he had secured, he modestly declined the position 
on the ground of his inexperience in military affairs. When his company 
departed for the front he playfully remarked that he would lead it home, 
and the prediction was verified. 

HIS GALLANTRY WON THE CONFIDENCE OF HIS SUPERIOR OFFICERS, 
and on two occasions he was entrusted with important and difficult mis- 
sions which he accomplished successfully. After the war he entered the 
Ohio Wesleyan University at Delaware, where he was a classmate of Mr. 
Hamilton, the late Governor of Illinois, of Professor AVhite, of Harvard, and 
of T. W. Brotherton, who was proposed in the convention at Springfield as 
a candidate for Lieutenant-Governor. Judge Foraker completed his educa- 
tion at Cornell, afterward studied law in Cincinnati, where, upon his ad- 
mission to the bar, he took up the practice of his profession, and where he 



— 105 — 

has continued to live an honored citizen. Should he be elected Governor, 
it is said he wiil relinquish a law practice worth annually from $25,000 to 
$30,000. — Correspondent New York Tribune. 

NO STRANGER IN BROOKLYN — THE SOUL OF HONOR. 

The candidate of the Republicans for governor of Ohio, Judge 
Joseph B. Foraker, is no stranger in Brooklyn, having spoken 
here in company with Senator Hawley and General Woodford at 
the opening meeting of the Blaine and Logan campaign. Gover- 
nor Hoadly's chivah-ous compliments to his old adversary as "an 
able man, of high principle and captivating manners," was de- 
servedly bestowed. Whatever may be thought of Foraker's polit- 
ical associations and beliefs, or the absurd reactionary platform 
upon which he has been placed, no one can deny that he is per- 
sonally the soul of honor, or that 

HIS RECORD IS WITHOUT THE STAIN OF WRONG-DOING. 

To our own knowledge the judge, who was chairman of the Ohio 
delegation in the first Chicago Convention, refused to be s\yayed 
by the tumult and uproar of the shouters; and although his del- 
egation was badly divided from the start, he succeeded in holding 
twenty-three votes until the final tidal-wave of excitement made 
further resistance impossible. Judge Foraker entered the Union 
army at the outbreak of the war, when he was only sixteen years 
old. For a time he was attached to the staff of General Slocum,t 

fNOTE. — Ben Foraker soon became a great favorite in the Signal Corps. 
He was the youngest officer in the corps, but his close attention to duty, 
soldierly bearing, and big, warm heart gained a friend in all he met. 
When the plan of the march to the sea was settled, it was soon known 
that some signal officers must return with General Xhomas to Nashville, 
and it was supposed that none but a few of the most experienced would go 
with General Sherman ; but much to Ben's surprise, he was selected to ac- 
company that expedition, and was assigned to the head-quarters of the left 
wing, General Slocum commanding, and continued with him until the end 
came, that beautiful morning in the Pines near Raleigh. — Albert S. Cole, 
Nebraska City, Nebraska. 

Foraker served in the line until after Atlanta fell. A few 
weeks thereafter he was detailed for the Signal Corps. There 
were thirteen examined, and only two passed the examination. 
It usually required something like two months to practice in the 
camp to qualify an officer to take charge of a signal station, it 
being to many men very difficult to learn to read the signals. 
But he had no trouble whatever about it. After he had been a 
week in the camp, he could read as well as any of the oldest 
members of the corps, and at the end of the second week he was 
put in charge of the station at Vining's Hill, six miles out of At- 
lanta, and was in charge of that station wdien Hood undertook to 
draw Sherman back from Atlanta by marching to Sherman's 
rear and attacking Altoona, and passing on to Nashville, where 



— 106— 

who is well acquainted with him, and who speaks in the highest 
terms of his admirable personal qualities, while detesting his 
political inclination. * * * If he should sweep the state, 
look out for the re-appearance of the Ohio man on the field of 
national politics in all his pristine glory. — Brooklyn (N.Y.) Eagle^ 
(Democratic). 

VICTORY IN THE AIR. 

The voice of the people in October will vindicate the action of the con- 
vention in June. There is victory in the air. — Toledo Blade, 

THE SPONTANEOUS CHOICE. 

That Foraker got the nomination on first ballot, without any claquing or 
booming, is the best proof that he was the spontaneous choice of Ohio Re- 
publicans and the best proof that there was a deep-seated conviction among" 
the masses of the party ihdX he was the man to bring them to victory. That 
conviction is of the sort that always precedes Republican victory — an 
earnest and abiding confidence in the man of the party's choice. — Akron- 
Beacon. 

A NEW FEATURE IN POLITICS. 

That large class of Republicans who believe more in fidelity to party 
leaders that represent party honor and party pride from having figured 
conspicuously in its past conflicts, than they do of party policy, are deeply 
gratified at the re-nomination of the gallant young leader. Judge J. B. For- 
aker, To such Republicans his selection means much. It means a new 
feature in politics; namely, that an idea, a myth, shall not weigh against 
solid worth ; that a well-known man shall not be abandoned because, for- 
sooth, he may have a blemish for an unknown quantity, because no de- 
fects are apparent. — Xenia Gazette. 

FORAKER WILL WIN. 

Seven candidates for Governor beaten on their first trial have afterwards 
been elected Governor of Ohio. Four Governors of Ohio have been de- 
feated upon renomination. — Marietta Leader. 

A PERFECT TYPE. 

The Republican who is not gratified with a leader who posesses such 
splendid character and superior abilities as those conceded to Judge For- 
aker is hard to please. There is not a man in Ohio of any party or fac- 
tion who excels Foraker in nobility of character, and not one of his age 
(thirty-nine years) who ranks him in solid or shining abilities. He is an 
almost perfect type of the best Republicanism in the nation. — Dayton 
Jotcrnal. 

FORAKER AND TEMPERANCE. 

As to the matter of temperance, which is a great question in Ohio, while 
Judge Foraker is not as outspoken as many think he ought to be, yet he is 

he was whipped by Thomas. Foraker's station was one of the 
most important during Hood's movement, inasmuch as commu- 
nication between Atlanta, Kenesaw Mountain, and Altoona had 
to be kept open by means of his station. His services there 
were so acceptable that when a week or two later Sherman started 
on his march to the sea. Major Bachtell, who was charged with 
the duty of selecting a number of his most efficient signal officers^ 
saw fit to choose Ben as one of them. 



— 107 — 

a thorough temperance man — just such a man as the people would want to 
put in charge of all the interests of a great state. He will aim to do right 
without being oppressive or overzealous. In fine, he is precisely the man 
that the people willfully trust, feeling that every interest will be safe in his 
hands. — Miami Helmet (Temperance.) 

EVEN HIS ENEMIES PRAISE HIM. 

We concede that if Foraker should be elected, he will make a very 
respectable governor. — Cleveland Plain- Dealer (Dem). 

THE TICKET O. K. 

If the Republicans don't win next fall, the blame must rest at some other 
door than that of the gentlemen on the ticket. — Wyandot County Repub- 
lican. 

GREAT IN 1883; GREATER NOW. 

Great in 1883, Judge Foraker is greater now. His canvass then showed 
him to be a scholarly and effective reasoner, and an apt and effective rea- 
soner. — Kenton Republican. 

foraker's speeches. 

Judge Foraker is making better speeches this year than he did in 1883, 
when the brilliancy of his campaign was a marvel. His speeches before 
the Lincoln Club, of Cincinnati, at Xenia and Bellefontaine were master 
efforts. — Hobnes County Republican. 

COLORED " FOR-REVENUE-ONLV" DEMOCRATS. 

A few colored men were Democrats "for revenue only " in the Ohio 
campaign two years ago, and there were one or two or three of such in 
Summit County. The colored voters of Ohio will be found in '85, as they 
were ih '83, on the side of the only party that has honestly striven for 
their advancement. — Clevela?td Gazette. 

Judge Foraker has good reason for entertaining a profound degree of 
complacency, if not personal pride, over such a result. — Springfield Globe- 
republic. 

PURE PERSONAL CHARACTER. 

The people of Ohio never had an opportunity of voting for a man of 
purer personal character than Judge J. B. Foraker. — Cleveland Leader, 

RISING FROM THE ASHES OF DEFEAT. 

Rising from the ashes of defeat, unscarred by the wounds that bore him 
down, with renewed vigor and increased strength, more valiant and better 
loved than ever before, Foraker comes again to claim the honor his nobil- 
ity and gifts and achievements entitle him to. — Youngstown News-Regis- 
ter. 

INDUSTRY AND PLUCK. 

That announcement (Foraker's nomination) gave great satisfaction here 
where Judge Foraker has many warm personal friends, and throughout 
the state ; for the vigorous way in which Judge Foraker conducted the cam- 
paign two years ago convinced the people that he had the material in him 
of which successful candidates are made. He exhibited industry, energy, 
skill, and pluck withal — those elements which the American people admire. 
— Zanesville Courier, 

GALLANT CAMPAIGN. 

We have a standard-bearer in Captain Foraker of whom the Repub- 
licans may well feel proud. Although he was beat two years ago, he 
nevertheless made a gallant campaign and a splendid run. — Norwalk Re- 
flector, 



— 108 — 

WITHOUT THE WILES OF A POLITICIAN. 
Educated, broad-minded, and gifted, honest, sincere, and straightforward, 
without the wiles of a politician, untouched by corruption, he is a living 
monument of the Springfield convention. — Piqua Journal. 

HE GROWS IN THE HEARTS OF THE PEOPLE. 

Judge Foraker receives the warmest attestation of love and good-will 
from the patriotic Republicans of this section. Judge Foraker is a man 
that ^rows in. the hearts of the people as they come in contact with him. 
He has already won a warm place in the hearts of the Republicans of 
Ohio, and the campaign intensifies into a genuine enthusiasm. — Urbana 
Ciiizejt attd Gazette. 

SATISFACTION. 

There is universal satisfaction on the part of the Republicans of Ohio at 
the nominations of the Springfield convention. — Cadiz Republican. 

PURE-MINDED. 

Judge Foraker has grown in the estimation of the people since he formed 
their acquaintance two years ago. His grand abilities and pure-minded 
character commend him to zW-.-^-Elyria Republican. 

HEARTS OF THE PEOPLE. 

The demand for the renomination of Ju Ige Foraker, which was a foregone 
conclusion from the first, sprung from the: popular sense of justice and fair 
play, and the unanimity with which it was finally effected; and the un- 
bounded enthusiasm with which it was hailed in the convention were true 
indications of the response it was to meet in the hearts of the people of the 
state. — Geauga Republican. . 

IRISH RECRUITS. 

A great number of Irishmen in Ohio, who left the Democracy last year, 
have clinched their former determination to remain in the Republican 
ranks, and are this year found fighting for Judge Foraker. — Findlay Re- 
publican. 

NEVER A BETTER MAN. 

The Republicans and the people of Ohio have had opportunities for vot- 
ing for a good many first-class men, for high positions during the last 
quarter of a century, but never had an opportunity of voting for a better 
one than Captain J. B. Foraker. — Norwalk Reflector^ 
DESIOCRATIO COMPLIMENT. 

Of the address at Columbus, the Columbus Capital [Dem.) says: "Judge 
Foraker's speech on Tuesday evening last was, it is fair to say, an able 
key-note." 

A GALLANT AND WISE YOUNG VETERAN. 
Foraker's foes have yet to find the first flaw in his speeches or acts since 
his nomination. He is a gallant and wise young veteran in political 
leadership, — Cleveland Leader. 

FORAKER AND NARROW-GAUGE EMPLOYES. 
Judge Foraker's position toward the employes of the Narrow-Gauge has 
been that of a friend. It was through his agency that one month's wages 
were paid, and directly against his appeals that another month's pay was 
omitted. — Ironton Register. 

ALL CAN SPEAK TO. 
Foraker is a generous, sweet tempered man, with a good, kind face that 
takes well. 



— 109- 

GOD ALMIGHTY MARKED FORAKER WELL. 
He is a man you can all speak to and be well treated. — John R. McLean, 
May II, 1885. 

CULTURE — DIGNITY — INCORKUPTIBILITY. 

The Christian Advocate, of Cincinnati, the organ of the Western Meth- 
odists says : 

* * He and his wife are of Methodist stock and are both 
members of the Wahiut Hills Methodist Episcopal Church. Mr. 
Foraker is a trustee of the church, and Mrs, Foraker is one of the 
most active and efficient ladies in the membership. There are 
no people in Cincinnati who are more highly esteemed than 

THIS EDUCATED, REFINED CHRISTIAN FAMILY. 

Mr. Foraker is a thorough temperance man, both in personal hab- 
its and in his views of public policy. The colored people never 
had a better friend than he. Indeed he is a man who knows 
what poverty and toil are, and his personal experience as well as 
the instincts of his nature, 

MAKE HIM A FRIEND OF ALL THE LOWLY. 

His generosity knows no bounds. We have known him for 
years, and intimately, and we speak thus freely and positively 
from personal knowledge. 

BISHOP WALDEN, OF THE METHODIST CHURCH, 

proclaims the Republican ticket the strongest ever presented in 
his re'collection to the voters of Ohio. — Dayton Journal. 

PURE IN PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE. 
The Graphic (Cin.) styles Judge Foraker "The brilliant young soldier, 
jurist, and statesman. The result is a merited recognition of the splendid 
campaign he made two years ago, and also of his ability, 

PUKE CHARACTER, AND LOFTY PATRIOTISM, 

that have been fully established at the bar, on the bench, upon the field of 
battle, and \x\ private atid public life. When he was chosen the first time 
to head the state ticket it was urged against him that he was too young, 
he being then but thirty-seven years old. The objection was fully met by 
reference to the marked talent, mature judgment, and wonderful success 
that has characterized his entire public career. In the time that has 
elapsed since the conclusion of his memorable battle for the governorship 
he has developed rapidly, and grown with corresponding vigor in the 
esteem and admiration of all. 
His parents represent 

THE STURDY AGRICULTURAL CLASS OF OUR POPULATION, 

and upon their farm Judge Foraker spent his earliest years. * During his 
military career (which closed at nineteen) he acquitted himself most 
courageously, and achieved feats which required true bravery and unerring 
judgment. * * At Chicago his commanding presence, quiet dignity, and 
admitted ability attracted marked attention. His speech nominating Sher- 
man was one of the best made on that memorable day of remarkable 
orations, and resulted in an ovation for the young statesman. * * The 
judge is a gentleman of 

MUCH MORE THAN ORDINARY QUALITIES OF HEAD AND HEART, 

a man of fine culture, a superior lawyer; and in every position in life he 



— no— 

has thus far been called to fill, whether as soldier in the army of the Union, 
counselor, or judge upon the bench, or a candidate before the people for 
the highest office in the state, he has met 

THE MOST SANGUINE EXPECTATIONS OF HIS FRIENDS. 

At the ratification meeting of the Lincoln Club (Cincinnati)) 
Hon. Ben. Butterworth said : 

"Now, fellow-members, the 11th of June ought to be a memo^ 
rable day with this club. Upon this day it pleased the loyal, 
patriotic people of Ohio to elevate this gallant soldier and emi- 
nent jurist [pointing to Fo raker] to the proud leadership of the 
Republican party of this state, and place in his hands the ban- 
ner of Republicanism with all that it symbolizes. We did it for 
a reason — because he represents 

THE BEST POLITICAL TH0UC4HT OF HIS TIME, 

because he represents the best system of political government 
that our country has known. 

Judge Foraker said : * * After the present Democratic adminis- 
tration was inaugurated at Washington, I said in some political re 
marks that as we looked out upon the political horizon there seemed to 
be nothing in appearances at least, encouraging for Republicanism ; for no 
matter where we looked, all along the line, we saw the Democratic ban- 
ners flaunting in triumph. The Democratic party were in control in this 
city, they were in control of our state government at Columbus, and they 
were in control, also, by reason of the recent inauguration, of our nation- 
al government at Washington; but at the same time I indicated that we 
were about to enter upon three important contests, and, as I thought, 
three important conquests. 

The first of these contests has alreadv been waged and a victory has 
been brilliantly won — when on the first Monday of April last we turned the 
Democratic party out of power in the city of Cincinnati by a majority of 
more than four tViousand, and put the Republican party in, with our worthy 
fellow-member, Mr. Amor Smith, as mayor of the city. [Applause.] 

We have organized now for 

THE SECOND OF THESE CONTESTS; 

and if you had been at Springfield and seen the Republican party of the 
State of Ohio as there represented, and the spirit and enthusiasm there 
manifested, I do not think you would have much doubt but that on the 
evening of the second Tuesday of October next there will be a very differ- 
ent kind of an audience assembled in this club-house from that which was 
here, I am pained to say, two years ago. [Laughter.] And the third of 
these contests will be when we elect a Rejublican president of the United 
States in the year 1888. [Applause.] 

* * The RepubUcans have take., an advanced step in regard to 
this matter and have not only declared that 

EVERY VOTE SHOULD BE HONESTLY CAST AND COUNTED, 

but that if under the constitution and laws of the United States that sort of 
protection can not be cast about voters, there must be such an amendment 
of the constitution and laws of the United States that will enable us to put 
it there. [Applause.] 

Why that sort of a declaration ? Why put it so prominently at the head 
of the resolutions adopted by the Republicans of the State of Ohio ? Man- 



— Ill— 

ifestly because it was the idea of the mass of the Republicans of the State 
of Ohio, and of this whole country ; and why is it ? Answering that, I need 
go back but for a moment, and with a word or two. You all remember 
when the war was over we were confronted with some very grave difficul- 
ties. Eleven States of the Union had seceded. They had been whipped 
back into the Union. The question arose, What shall be done with them? 
Some people wished them continued, simply as separate provinces, but 
finally they were restored to their sta«^e relations to the United States, 

WITH THAT MAGNANIMITY, 

such as has never been shown by a great party before in the political his- 
tory of the world — that a people who had been conquered should be re- 
stored to the same rights as the conquerors enjoyed ; and accordingly the 
revolting States were put back into the Union. And when they were put 
back, and midean integral part of the United States, another question 
presented itself. They could not occupy these relations to the General 
Government unless they were given the right to be represented in the Con- 
gress and in the Electoral College ; but who should have these rights was 
the question. Some said 

ONLY THE WHITE PEOPLE OF THE SOUTH 

should be allowed the right of franchise, because, they said, only the whites 
have enough intelligence to properly exercise the privilege of suffrage ; but 
others said, No ; 

ONLY THE COLORED PEOPLE SHOULD HAVE THE RIGHT TO VOTE, 

because the colored people were faithful enough to be safely intrusted with 
the right of suffrage. We talk about a division of sentiment at times now, 
but we had a division of sentiment then in regard to these important ques- 
tions ; but the Republican party settled it with a generosity again such as 
marks it the most generous party that ever controlled a government. It 
said, We will give the right of suffrage to the people in the States thus 
restored, both white and black, both loyal and disloyal, and we will give 
them the right of representation in Congress and the Electoral Colleges, 
such as the loyal people of the North have. But what was the result of 
this? In the last Electoral College of the United States, that gave us our 
present president and vice-president of the United States, there were 

FORTY ELECTORS WHO REPRESENTED THE COLORED PEOPLE 

of the South, and not one of these forty electoral votes was cast as these 
Republicans of the South desired that they should be cast. Instead of 
having the right to cast their votes and have their votes counted as cast, 
and have themselves represented in the Electoral College as they had a 
right and desired to be, they have been robbed and deprived of their right 
of franchise by methods and means which it is unnecessary for me to refer 
to here ; and so it was that, by the aid of these party votes, Grover Cleve- 
land chanced to be made President of the United States, and he was made 
president despite the expression of the people, whose votes were not 
counted as cast in the ballot-box. 

Because of this it was that the Republicans of the State declared that the 
colored people of the South should have the right to vote as they wished, 
and that every man who owes allegiance under the flag, every man who is 
American, every man who has a right to be protected by this Government, 
shall have the right to exercise 

THIS GREAT FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT OF CITIZENSHIP — 

the exercise of his right of suffrage just as he may see fit to, without any 
fear of fraud, of tissue ballots, of assassination, of intimidation, of murder, or 
anything else to defeat him and defraud him of those rights. [Applause.] 



— 112 — 

Gentlemen of the Club, the convention at Springfield saw fit to put that 
resolution at the head of this platform, and it has declared in language un- 
equivocal that if the great cardinal principle of this Government is worth 
anything at all, it is worth preserving the foundations of it. * * * 

THE SOLDIERS. 
The following petition was signed by the soldiers of the National Home, 
Montgomery County, but was not presented to the Springfield convention, 
as being without precedent : 

NATIONAL MILITARY HOME, 

Montgomery County, Ohio, May 20, 1885. 

We, the soldiers at the National Home, and defenders of the 
Union, hereby, without offense to any other candidate, express 
our preference for tlie candidade for Governor of Ohio. 

We favor Private Josepli Benson Foraker because we think 
him the best man by reason of his political and moral and in- 
tellectual qnalities. He has not sought the nomination. He is 
a plain, straightforward man without tricks. He is honest. He 
is not proud. He knows the old soldiers, even when they are 
poor. We like the Generals, but we like one of our own com- 
panions best. 

He is one of us. He was born poor. He is poor now. He was the first 
man to enter and the last man mustered out of his regiment. He had 
with us common soldiers' fare at Missionary Ridge, Lookout Mountain, Dal- 
ton, Pvockyface, and in the Atlanta campaign. 

BEN. FORAKER WORE THE HUMBLE BLOUSE, 

and did the duty of a gallant private in our army. He was no gilt-edge 
private, looking soon to be made an officer. He was at the front in 
the march, in battle, with his musket, knapsack, and old canteen. He is 
our comrade. He never puts on airs. He said in the army, "Ben. For- 
aker never asks for a place," and sticks to it now. He asks for no place, 
but we will give him one. We are for Ben. Foraker first, last, and all the 
time. Hurrah for Ben. Foraker. 

This was signed by the soldiers generally. 

THE SINGULAR DISREGARD OF PUBLIC 

and political opinion by Judge Foraker in the performance of a 
present duty without reference to the effect upon his future is 
manifest in the Springfield case. He realized that the per- 
formance of his duty to a client and a friend would embarrass 
him with persons who take but a narrow view of public questions. 
The sympathy of the judge has ever been 

PROFOUNDLY WITH THE COLORED PEOPLE. 

He inherited hostility to slavery from liis parents and relatives, 
who left the country of bondage for that of the free North-west. 
He fought for the freedom of the race. He has pleaded for their 
full civil rights. He has claimed that all privileges accorded to 
white children should be granted to colored children. Yet be 
respects law, and will not by indirectness secure what must be 
obtained by manly directness. He says that the whites and blacks 



— US- 
have equal claims upon him for his legal services. He shrinks 
not from defending a friend, for fear of misrepresentation. He 
trusts God and does his duty in the present. 

The Rev. H. Clark, African Methodist preacher, says: "The judge is 
a sound Republican and 

A FRIEND OF OUR RACE. 

* * Colored men must banish caste as well as the whites, and think 
less of being colored and more of being men and citizens." 

The Athens Messenger {March, 1885) said : 

It is creditable to the intelligence of the colored man and brother that he 
refuses to be 

MISLED BY DEMOCRATIC MISREPRESENTATIONS 

of Judge Foraker's sentiments toward American citizens of African de- 
scent, the representative colored Republicans over the State favoring the 
judge's nomination. 

The Detroit Plain-Dealer, published by colored people, said, January 
13, 1885: 

Judge Foraker is our race's true friend. * '" One of the ablest and 
foremost Republicans, * "^' patriotic, loyal, and unselfish to a fault. 

The Ohio Republican, Sc-ptemher 20, 1884, said: "Judge Foraker is 
doing Herculean work for the Republican cause. He is undefatigable and 
thoroughly conversant with the issues of the day. * * * The people 
will take care of Judge Foraker's future, and 

THE COLORED MEN OF OHIO 

will be found with the people when the opportunity comes again to do him 

honor, whether as Governor of Ohio, or as President of the United States. 

UNANIMOUS CHOICE OF THE COLORED PEOPLE. 

There no longer remains the shadow of a doubt that the emi- 
nent jurist and statesman, Judge J. B. Foraker, is the unanimous 
choice of the colored voters for Governor of this great State, and 
if his election depends upon their votes he will be elected by a 
majority that shall forever set at rest the foul assumption that 
the colored people of Ohio are otherwise than enthusiastic and 
sincere in their support of him and loyal to the Republican 
party. — The Colored Sentinel. 

The New York Times declares that there is no reason for col- 
ored men to have any lack of confidence in Judge Foraker. 

Letter from Robert Harlan, January 31, 1885: "I have known Judge 
Foraker ever since he came to Cincinnati, in 1869, and I know that ever 
since, he has been one of the best friends to the colored people. I heard 
him on the Civil Rights bill in 1874, and no man ever took higher ground 
for our race. He was far ahead of Republicans generally, and I went up 
after the speech to 

THANK HIM IN BEHALF OF THE COLORED PEOPLE. 
« * I was in the National Republican Convention at Chicago last June, 
and there I saw Judge Foraker vote for John R. Lynch, and induce others 
to vote for him. * * Judge Foraker says that it makes no difference to 
him whether a man is white or colored as to rights in courts or out of them ; 
that he has acted for many colored men, to bring suits for them and to de- 
fend them, and that a colored man had no more right to object for his de- 



— 114 — 

fense of a white man than a white man would have for his defense of a 
colored man. * * * At our last election I saw Democrats knock down 
and drive colored men from the polls to keep them from voting. Yet 
Democrats ask colored men to support their candidates. There is 
NO BETTER FRIEND OF THE COLORED MAN 

on earth than Judge Foraker. 

Ford Smith, of Cincinnati, in the Ohio Tribune, Jan. 28, 1885 : 
Colored people are asked to forget that Judge Foraker was and has 

always been a consistent Republican ; that he had a glorious record as a 

brave soldier who won distinction in the cause that 

GAVE OUR RACE ITS FREEDOM, 

even before he had reached man's estate. They are asked to forget all his 
utterances as a public speaker in every political campaign since the war. 

* * In the last campaign, 

WHO HONORED REGISTER BRUCE 

more than Judge Foraker? In the Chicago Convention, Judge Foraker 
was one of the strongest supporters as well as one of the most 

ACTIVE FOR MR. LYNCH AS CHAIRMAN. 

What do you think of the man Foraker, when the boy Foraker, then only 
seventeen years old — a soldier at the front — wrote to his parents thus ? 
" They all cry ' peace * and that they will agree to come back to the Union 
as it was, but this war will not end until all realize that this is a nation, and 
for the colored as well as the white man." — [Letter of May 5, 1863.] 
In all his public utterances he has been true to 

THE CAUSE OF THE COLORED PEOPLE. 

He said in 1874, of the Civil Rights bill: "The object of this bill is to 
prevent masked marauders from burning negro school-houses, shooting 
negro school-teachers, and keeping this innocent and inoffensive people in 
a state of terror, whice retards their development and corrupts and demor- 
alizes society and politics in a hundred ways. 

AND IT IS RIGHT, 

and the Republican party is for it because it is right. * * * They have 
justly earned their citizenship ; and they have earned it in such a way that 
for us not to protect them in it would be the basest ingratitude and wrong 
— ingratitude and wrong for which the nation would deserve to sink to rise 
no more." 

In a thousand unrecorded, unreported speeches, 

JUDGE FORAKER HAS STOOD IN THE FRONT RANK 

as a defender of the wrongs of our race. He fought as a boy and man, as 
a brave soldier on the side of freedom. His whole life conduct has been 
consistent in devotion to our interests. Our race owes him a debt of grati- 
tude. * * * You should come to Cincinnati, where Judge Foraker 
lives, and go about asking the colored people here, where his charities are 
known among white and colored poor alike, and thus know the man. * 

* * Judge Foraker does not seek gubernatorial honor. It is not 
known that he would accept the nomination. He shirks no duty. He has 
just finished the conduct of the case for the defense before the partisan 
Springer Investigation Committee, sent here by a Democratic congress. 
He expects no compensation for valuable time and services, anxious only 
to show to the public 

THE BRUTAL TREATMENT OF THE COLORED VOTERS 

by the Democratic party at the October election in this city. Colored Re- 
publicans have their eyes opened to the lies of Democratic leaders." * * 



— 115 — 

At a meeting of colored men (February, 1885) in Springfield, it was 
unanimously resolved, That it is the sense of this meeting that Judge For- 
aker is the friend of the colored people, a genuine Republican, and entirely 

WORTHY OF OUR FULL CONFIDENCE, 

and cordial support. 
There are , 

FOUR COLORED REPUBLICN FORAKER CLUBS 

in Cincinnati alone. They serenaded the judge, June 26th, at his resi- 
dence (Walnut Hills). Music enlivened the occasion. The house was cov- 
ered with the glare and glory of red Greek fire. The iudge said, following 
his custom, he would abstain from making a 

A POLITICAL SPEECH FROM THE PORCH OF HIS OWN HOUSE. 

But he congratulated his colored friends on their organization. And as en- 
couragement for them, he referred to the wonderful progress of the colored 
race, and the toning down of public prejudice against them within the last 
score of years ; and he put it to colored men, in view of the effort being 
made to divert their political allegiance, whether they should not stand by 
that party which had been their friend when they most wanted a friend. 
In conclusion, he expressed his high appreciation of the organization of 
colored men in his favor, here at his own home. 

The Glee Club sung, "John Brown's Body," and then Mr. Ford Smith 
made a speech. It was very evident that it was a great strain on Mr. Smith 
to keep his Republican enthusiasm down to the point indicated by Judge 
Foraker because of the 

HOME CHARACTER OF THE OCCASION. 

Mr. Smith spoke with much feeling, and proudly recorded the fact that the 
colored Republicans of Walnut Hills, who knew Judge Foraker better than 
their brethren elsewhere, had formed a Foraker Club a month before the 
Springfield Convention, for they knew he was a staunch friend of their 
race. 

As this sketch is in press we find the colored people are holding meetings 
all over the State to express their indignation at the charge that they are 
not devoted, zealous, and grateful friends and supporters of Captain Fora- 
ker. 

HON. JOHN p. GREEN. 

The num.erous colored delegates in the convention cast their votes for 
Judge Foraker, except Hon. John P. Green, the colored delegate from 
Cleveland, who now writes the Clevelatid Leader: "When I saw in the 
convention the great enthusiasm for Jun'ge Foraker, even, on the part of 
such stalwart friends of the colored people as Generals Beatty and Ken- 
nedy, Ex-governor Noyes, Hon. Ben. Butterworih, and others, I concluded 
that all was well. •■• "■ 

SPEAKING AS A COLORED MAN, 

* "•" I advise all * * to work a. id voLe for Hon. J. B. Foraker." 

THE COLORED &OJ.DIERS AT THE NATIONAL HOME, 

near Dayton, Ohio, unanimously asked the Springfield Convention to 
nominate Judge Foraker for governor, claiming that he most fully repre- 
sents their idea of a high official who will do justly towards all men. They 
say : — 

National Military Home, Ohio, May 20, 1885. 

We colored soldiers would like to express our jjreterence for governor, as 
we learn that white soldiers are expressing theirs. 

We know that Joseph Benson Foraker has become a learned man, an able 
lawyer, and a distinguished judge. We have learned that be is much thought 



. —116— 

of politically all over onr land. We have learned that he was way at the top 
at Chicago, at Augusta, and at Washington. This is all very well. But we 
want him because he was a soldier — because he is 

THE BEST FRIEND TO THE COLORED KACE 

we know of. And then he has the right sort of a head. He goes straight to 
his point. He has no crookedness, no diplomacy. He means always what he 
says. He is honest and true ; he is no trickster, no political demagogue. He 
would talk for us, and if necessary, he would do, as he has done, tight for us. 

THE SPOILS OF OFFICE CAN NOT BUY HIM. 

He will not lie. His people left Virginia because they detested slavery. 

8onie of us knew him in the army, knew him at the breaking out of the 
rebellion, knew him in the army of the Cumberland, at the siege of Atlanta, in 
the camijaij^a of the sea, and through the Carolinas. Did he not along with 
ns live oftau on his one third rations a day? Did he not share with us his 
hard crackers? Did he not say that he would serve his country as long as 
there was an armed reliel in the land ? Did he not declare that the war 
could not end until all realized that this is 

A NATION FOR THE COLORED AS WELL AS THE WHITE MAN? 

He treated us just as if he was one of us. He acted in tiie army toward us as 
Garrison, Suimier, and Dirney did in civil life. Some say he is no friend to 
the colored man. Pshaw! Did he not stand up for our rights in the elec- 
tions of Cincinnati in 1874? Did he not say that the franchise of our people 
must be enjo^'od without fear or menace; that they must be secured in the 
Civil Rights Bill, which demands perfect equality before the law? His 
speeches have been strong in our behalf. He averred in 18S0 that the gov- 
ernment must be strong enough to go into every nook andcbrner of the land 
to protect the rights of its citizens and redress their wrongs, to secure com- 
plete civil and political rights for the colored men, not only here in Ohio, but 
in South Carolina and Mississippi. 

[Here follow the names of colored soldiers at the home, with the letter of 
the company and the number of the regiment.] 

THE GAZZAWAY CASE. 

The following appeared in the Commercial Gazette, June 14, 1883, from 
Judge Pringle : 

" I am certain that counsel for the plaintiff will all agree, "without re- 
gard to color or political proclivities," that not one word fell from the lips 
of Judge Foraker that could possibly be tortured into any reflection upon 

THE COLORED RACE OR ANY DISREGARD OF THEIR RIGHTS. 

The facts in the case were agreed upon, and the judge, in an exceedingly 
kind and courteous address, presented the law of the case, as he under- 
stood it to have been declared by statute in Ohio and the Supreme Court 
of the state, and did not even express 

.ANY APPROVAL OF THE WISDOM OR CORRECTNESS OF THE LAW. 
The plaintiff and her counsel (two of whom were colored) were duly 
advised of the holding of the Supreme Court of this State upon the ques- 
tion ,' of the right to establish and maintain separate schools for colored 
children," and for that reason did not bring suit in the State Court, but 
brought it in the United States Circuit Court, as the shortest and quickest 
route to the Supreme Court of the United States. The plaintiff sought to 
raise the question as to the right of discrimination against colored children 
under the natne, word, or pretext of *classfiication,^ and desired to test it 
as speedily and with as little expense as possible. In this it is but fair to 
say that we were 

GREATLY AIDED BY JUDGE FORAKER, 

and the defendant hunself, they permitting plaintiff-'s counsel to write out 
a statement of facts, showing the state of things as they existed here in 
relation to the public schools, accompanied by a map, showing the num- 



— 117— 

ber of white and colored schools, their location, etc., which was agreed to 
by them, thus saving a great amount of expense and trouble to the plain- 
tiff in taking a large number of witnesses to Cincinnati, to prove them, in 
order to get the opinion of the Court upon the questions of law applicable 
to her case. The record of the case will show this to be correct. Again, 
in making up the bill of exceptions in the case. Judge Foraker was 

VERY COURTEOUS, FAIR, AND JUST, 
and put no obstacles in the way of the plaintiff, saving in the record all 
the questions of law she sought to make, for final review in the Supreme 
Court of the United States, where the case will soon be taken. The plain- 
tiff and her counsel were of the opinion that the statutes of Ohio and the 
decision of the Supreme Court of Ohio were in conflict with the spirit and 
letter of the amendments to the constitution of the United States, and 
the laws of congress passed in pursuance thereof, and it was to test the 
correctness or incorrectness of this opinion, and to 'settle the vexed ques- 
tion,' that plaintiff brought her suit. And by reason largely of 
THE judge's courtesy AND FAIRNESS 

she, with little expense, will soon have that opportunity. It was upon the 
motion of Judge Foraker at the time of the trial that one of the attorneys 
(colored) was admitted to practice in that court." 

From W. S. Newberry, a colored attorney for the plaintiff: 
"I have read the letter of Mr. Pringle, and heartily concur in its state- 
ments. I met Judge Foraker for the first time in the trial of the Gazaway 
case. He very kindly ftioved my admission to practice in the. United 
States Circuit Court, and afterward came to me and congratulated me on 
my admission, and spoke 

SOME FRIENDLY WORDS OF ENCOURAGEMENT. 

I am perhaps as jealous of my rights and the rights of my race as any 
one ought to be, and yet I can not recall a single word or sentence uttered 
by Judge Foraker in the trial of that case that was 

UNKIND, DISCOURTEOUS, ' OR UNJUST 

to me or the colored race; and 1 am sure I should have noticed it had he 
done so. From his manly bearing in that trial, and past record as a sol- 
dier who heloed to 

' SHOOT RESPECT FOR OUR CIVIL RIGHTS 

into the Democratic party,' and his record as one of the Republican 
party which wrote equal rights in the organic law, I think he would and 
will make a good governor; and I am for Foraker, and believe him 
worthy of the support of all true Republicans, white or colored, and de- 
serving of honest Democratic support. 

Graham Dewell, another colored attorney of the plaintiff, of .Springfield 
Ohio, who was an alternate Republican delegate at large to Chicago, wrote 
March 13, 1885: With the defense (Judge Foraker) the only question was 
whether or not, under existing laws in Ohio, boards of education had the 
power to classify colored youth into separate schools — to argue from the 
stand-point of decided cases. * * The Judge was particularly 

COURTEOUS TO THE COLORED LAWYERS, 

and showed in this very case that his sympathy is with our race. I heard 
him congratulate Wm. Newberry upon his success in qualifying himself 
for the honorable position as a member of the court and encourage him to 
stimulate others of his race by his own excellence to attain like distinc- 
tion. It was Judge Foraker's professional duty to take the case. In doing 
so he committed no breach of faith and 



—US- 
NO ACT OF DISLOYALTY TO THE COLORED RACE. 
Judge Foraker was retained in the case, not because of any sympathy 
with any measure calculated to oppress our race or retard our full liberty, 
for he had on many occasions boldly and fearlessly championed our in- 
terests, even exceeding in his zeal our most radical defenders. It was 
solely and simply because a college-mate, a warm, personal friend, had 
been sued for $2,000 damages for refusing to do what he was forbidden to 
do by the rules governing him in his official capacity. Judge Foraker is 
with the colored people, but under and according to law. Where a law 
is at fault let it be changed according to the provisions for its modification. 
JUDGE FORAKER's LETTER 

completely disposes of the absurd Democratic story started dur- 
ing the last gubernatorial campaign, that he left the Ohio Wes- 
leyan University because a colored student had been admitted. 
The only student who left on that account was, the judge says, 
'a Democrat then and is a Democrat now.' 

Not only is this trashy story disposed of, but the judge shows 
from his record that he was among the earliest and foremost ad- 
vocates of extending to the 

COLORED RACE ALL THE CIVIL AND POITICAL RIGHTS 

and privileges enjoyed by the whites, and wiping out all lines of 
discrimination founded upon race. 

The colored men of Ohio have no more earnest defender or 
warmer friend than Judge Foraker. He is, and has ever been, a 
consistent and able advocate of the equality of all men in political 
and civil affairs. It is sheer ignorance or dishonesty to affirm 
otherwise in the face of his record. — Commercial-Gazette. 

• Cincinnati, February 2, 1885. 

Mr. S. E. Huffman, Springfield, Ohio: * ■■■■ I have said nothing in 

answer to newspaper attacks, because not wishing to appear, even to the 
extent of defending myself, as seeking a renomination. But now that you, 
a colored gentleman, and a total stranger to me, have volunteered to write 
and ask me for ' the facts,' I feel it to be due to you, as well as to myself, 
to state them. 

First, however, let me say that it is not a matter of importance to me 
who is the nominee of the Republican party. *' * * ••■■ * 

I shall be content with whatever selection the Republican Convention 
may make. I would not, therefore, say a word to influence in my favor 
the sentiment of the party, white or colored. But that I may answer your 
questions, and dispel misunderstandings that malicious falsehoods may 
have created, I shall, as you have asked it, take pains to state what every 
man, white or colored, who has known me during life will confirm. 

And first, I have always been a Republican in the most radical and un- 
compromising sense of the word. 

In 1S62, when only sixteen years of age, I enlisted as a private in Com- 
pany A. of the Eighty-ninth Ohio Regiment. I served with this regiment 
for three years, urttil the close of the war. At that time I did not know 
that I would ever be a candidate for any office, and certainly did not dream 
of such a thing as ever having my attitude toward the colored people call- 
ed in question. My expressions at that time ought, therefore, to be conclu- 
sive as to my sentiments in this regard. 



— 119 — 

When a man is made candidate for such an office as Governor of Ohio, 
everything that he ever said or did is likely to be made public. 

Such seemed to be my fortune when a candidate in 1883. Among 
other things published at that time were some of 

THE LETTERS I WROTE HOME FROM THE ARMY. 

I had nothing to do with their publication. I did not even know that they 
were yet in existence until I saw them in print, I can never forget the 
mortification I experienced at seeing a private correspondence thus made 
public, nor how unendurable it would have been but for the testimony it 
gave me of the mother's affection that had led to their preservation and 
publication. But it would seem now that it was well that they were published 
since it enables me to point to them as an incontestable record to disprove 
the charges to which you refer ; for in them you will find that I then wrote 
that, 'the war ought not to stop until slavery is abolished and every col- 
ored man is made a citizen, and is given precisely the same civil and 
political rights that the white man has.' 

The war ended, and all who knew me then will testify that I was un- 
compromisingly in favor of 

THE ENFRANCHISEjMENT OF THE COLORED PEOPLE 

as a basis of reconstruction of the South, and as a matter of justice to the 
North. 

And when it was proposed to amend the constitution of Ohio in 1867 by 
striking out the word ' white,' I took an active part in the campaign, al- 
though still in school at Delaware, speaking in favor of the measure, and 
voting against discrimination — the first vote I ever cast. 

This brings me in chronological order to the charge that I left Ohio 
Wesleyan University because a colored man was admitted there as a 
student. 

I was in attendance at Ohio Wesleyan University, and a colored man 
was admitted as a student there. He was there for one term, from Janu- 
ary until about May, 1868; and that colored man is now the Rev. Mr. Mor- 
timer, an esteemed colored minister, and a man of intelligence, culture, 
and character, who was stationed in 1883 at Zanesville, Ohio. He is a man 
who can speak as to facts in regard to the charge made against me in this 
respect; and he will tell you that the story that I left Ohio Wesleyan 
University because he or any other colored man came there, is a base 
falsehood. 

The truth is, so far as I can recollect, that there was but very little dis- 
satisfaction manifested on the part of any one because he became a stu- 
dent there. I only remember of one student who left on that account ; 
and I need scarcely add that 

HE WAS A DEMOCRAT THEN, AND IS A DEMOCRAT STILL. 
Mr. Mortimer left Delaware at the end of his first term, of his own accord. 
I did not leave until one year later, when I went to Cornell Univer- 
sity at Ithaca, New York, where I was graduated. The reason why I went 
to Cornell was well known to the faculty and to the students, and 
to the people of Delaware at the time. It was simply that I might have, 
what at that time seemed to me sufficient to warrant the change, some ex- 
perience with eastern men and colleges, and have, what I then thought 
more of than I do now, the distinction of graduating in the first class from 
what I thought was, and is destined to be, one of the greatest universities 
of the country. No one thought that I left Delaware because a year be- 
fore a colored man had been in attendance, and certainly nothing could 



— 120— 

be more ridiculous than that I would remain in attendance at Delaware 
during the entire time the colored man was there and never think of leav- 
ing on that account 

UNTIL A YEAR AFTER HE HAD LEFT. 

Since I left school in 1869, I have taken part in almost every campaign, 
speaking in behalf of the measures represented by the Republican party, 
and always, as every colored Republican in Cincinnati knows, chiefly and 
especially in the favor of those measures that looked to the improving of 
the colored people in the North as well as in the South. What I have from 
time to time said in this regard has not been so forcible, nor so elegant as 
that which many others may have said, but it has been as earnest ; for no 
man with more earnestness tha.n I did, until we were rid of them, denounced 
and contended against the infamous visible admixture laws placed on 

OUR STATUTE BOOKS BY THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
No man more earnestly than I, at all times until it was secured, con- 
tended for the political equality of the colored man, and the guaranty of 
thatequality by the adoption of the amendments to the constitution of the 
United States; and when the civil rights law was pending before the Con- 
gress, and particularly in 1874, when it was a party question in Ohio, I 
never failed on any occasion where opportunity was afforded me, to speak 
in behalf of it. * * * i quote from a speech made by me in 1874 in the 
city of Cincinnati and published at the time. 1 then said : 

' The object of the Civil Rights bill is to prevent masked marauders from 
burning negro school-houses, shooting negro school-teachers, and keeping 
this innocent and inoffensive people in a state of terror, which retards their 
development and corrupts and demoralizes society and politics in a hun- 
dred ways. And it is right, and the Republican party is for it because it 
is right. 

' When in Columbus the other day, I stood in our capitol and looked 
with admiring gaze upon that magnificent painting which adorns its walls 
— of ' Perry's Victory on the Lake.' In the midst of the death-storm 
of that terrible conflict, as gallant-looking as any one of the brave faces 
surrounding the Commodore, is a 

FULL-BLOODED REPRESENTATIVE OF THE AFRICAN RACE. 

Thus it has always been since our Government was founded, on land 
and on sea, in adversity and prosperity, through peace and through war, 
this rare has been ever present with us, and never once has its faith fal- 
tered, its devotion, lagged, or its courage failed. 

'They have iustly earned their citizenship, and they have earned it in 
such a way as that for us not to protect them in it would be the basest in- 
gratitude and v/rong — ingratitude and wrong for which the 

NATION WOULD DESERVE TO SINK TO RISE NO MORE.' 

But equality of rights for the colored man does not mean a denial of 
rights to the white man. It does not mean that if a colored man sues a 
white man the white man shall not be allowed to defend himself. I know 
the colored people of the State of Ohio, and I knowthat their intelligence 
and sense of justice are such that they will not, from the mere fact that I 
defended a man who was sued by one of their race, believe that I have any 
lack of friendship for them as a people. I might as well be charged with 
murder for defending a murderer. 

Especially when it is borne in mind that the suitor was represented in 
the case by two colored men, both of whom have testified that throughout 
the case I neither did nor said anything whatever, that was, or could be in 



— 121 — 

the slightesfdegreeT disrespectful or offensive to the colored'peopleT^And 
not only that, but the statement has been correctly made that one of the 
attorneys, who was a colored man, had not, previously to the trial, been 
admitted to the bar of the United States Court, and that he was 

ADMITTED UPON MY MOTION AND RECOMMENDATION, 
in order that he might assist in the trial of that cause. * ■•• •■■ I can not 
stop without reminding you that it is far more important to the colored 
people that the Republican oarty should succeed than H is to the party 
itself. 

It has only been a few years since Democrats held colored men in 
slavery — now all are free; only a few years since they would not allow 
them to testify as witnesses in the courts — now the colored man can sue 
and maintain his rights there; only a few years since the Democratic party 
of Ohio disgraced our statute with 

THE INFAMOUS VISIBLE ADMIXTURE LAWS 

now the statute books are clean ; only as long ago as 1867, when 'the 
Democratic party of Ohio declared in its platform that this is a white 
man's Government and that negroes should have no part in it.' A great 
change has been wrought; and the Republican party has wrought it. 
Are the rights that have been thus achieved secure ? Does it make no dif- 
ference any more to the colored man 

WHETHER THE DEMOCRATIC OR REPUBLICAN PARTY SUCCEEDS? 
Look to the South. Words can not describe the outrages to which col- 
ored Republicans are there subjected. We have just seen a Democratic 
president elected because by violence and fraud the colored people of 
the South have been robbed of their forty electoral votes. But to learn 
the feeling of the Democratic party toward the colored people you 
need to look no further than the election of last October, in the city of 

Cincinnati. 

THE SO-CALLED SPRINGER INVESTIGATING COMMITTEE HAS BEEN TAKING 
testimony that establishes, to the satisfaction of every unprejudiced mind, that 
the Democratic party as an organization, acting by its agents, deliberately 
planned and attempted to perpetrate the outrage of fraudulently carrying 
that election by arresting, beating, and wounding and inthnidating col- 
ored vini, and preventing them by wholesale from casting their ballots. 
In pursuance of this plan, they deliberately arrested one hundred and 
fifty-two colored citizens of Cincinnati at midnight before the election and 
imprisoned them in the dungeon of the Hammond Street Station-house, 
and kept them there without bread or water, or any charge whatever 
against them, until after six o'clock in the evening of the day of election. 

A MORE BRUTAL OUTRAGE WA.S NEVER PERPETRATED 
north of the Ohio River. And yet no Democrat has condemned it. On the 
contrary, from the Govern or down to the lowest ward politician in their 
ranks, there has been a chuckle of delight because of the success of the in- 
famous scheme. And you will not have to wait very long to see among 
the political acts of Mr. Cleveland the granting of a pardon to a man who 
is now serving out a sentence of imprisonment for having perpetrated this 
crime. 

There is no nomination important enough to induce me to solicit any 
man's support for it ; neither is there any office low enough for me to un- 
derstand how it is possible for any colored man to be willing to vote for a 

Democrat to fill it. Very truly yours, etc. 

J. B. FoRAKER. 



,-^122 — 

,.. A FLAT DENIAL. 

The toTTowingletter from the 

REV. DR. MORTIMER, THE " COLORED STUDENT AT DELAWARE,'^ - 

and now a member of the Republican Executive Committee of 
Lawrence County, to the author of this sketch, summarily dis- 
poses of the Democratic falsehood circulated by a hostile press 
for the last two years : 

Ironton, Ohio, July 10, 1885. 
My Dear Sir: 

Yours is received. ' The report that Judge Foraker left the Ohio- 
Wesleyan University because lor a colored student was admitted to that 
institution is a base falsehood. Respectfully. 

R. G. Mortimer. 

[The emphasized words in the written correspond to those italicized in the printed letter.]' 
A LETTER IN RESPONSE TO AN INVITATION 

to address a meeting of colored citizens called to express their 
indignation on the Danville outrages : 

Cincinnati,, Ohio, Dec. 19, 1883. 
For twenty years we have been congratulating* ourselves upon having 
accomplished great permanent good by the war. We have thought that 
we had not only preserved the Union, but that actually as well as nom- 
inally we had perfected the constitution, emancipated and enfranchised your 
race, and put all American citizens on a plane of equality under 

THE PROTECTION OF THE FLAG 

and the laws of the land. 

But it would seem that this is not so, for your meeting is called to give 
expression to the indignation you properly feel because of a barbarous 
crime against not only your race, but against the whole American people, 
white as well as black, which it is conceded is to go unpunished, because 
of the accepted idea that the United States Government can not, and the 
State Government will not, bring the perpetrators to justice. 

A single instance of such character might well call for such action on 
your part. 

But Danville is only the last of a number of such massacres. 

Coushatta and Hamburg, and the murder of the Chisholms, together 
with hundreds of other less startling but equally brutal outrages and assas- 
sinations, have gone before; and the State not only fails to punish, but 
rewards. 

South Carolina sent to the Senate of the United States one of the chief 
actors in the heartless butchery at Hamburg. 

And within the last month we have seen a prominent 

CITIZEN OP MISSISSIPPI DELIBERATELY IMURDERED 

for no other reason than that he exercised his right of voting according to 
his preference; and as a reward for his act the murderer is extolled in a 
public meeting, and afterward made mayor of his town, while the family 
of the murdered man are notified that none of them will be permitted to 
take any part in politics hereafter, and are driven by terror to abandon 
their homes for refuge. 

With the multiplication of these evils the old spirit of rebellion is reviv- 



— 123—' 

ing. To-day the United States flag is displaced in South Carolina and the 
palmetto flag of the State floats on the capitol at Columbia, 

We are told that there is no remedy for all this. 

If so, our last estate is worse than the first, and the great question of the 
hour is how to legally and constitutionally rectify the difficulty. 

I have no time now to discuss this question, but I will take time to say 
that 

THE COLORED MAN MUST BE PROTECTED 

in the enjoyment and exercise of his right of suffrage. 

I AM UNQUALIFIEDLY FOR HIS PROTECTION", 

and I am quite as unqualifiedly of the opinion that our National Govern- 
ment is empowered to protect its own citizens on its own soil; and it ought 
to do so promptly and effectually. 

But if wrong about this, or if for any reason protection is not to be 
afforded him, then we owe it to the whole country, as a matter of simple 
justice, and to the colored man particularly, as an act of mercy, to re-ad- 
just representation in the Congress and the Electoral College. 

As it now is in a number of the states, he is not only denied his rights, 
but the fact that he is clothed with them only serves to make him a de- 
fenseless target for the shot-gun, and to strengthen and infuriate the cruel 
oppression of which he is the helpless victim. 

I add that all this barbarism is 

IN THE NAME AND ON BEHALF OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
It is by such atrocities that they have made and intend to maintain a solid 
South. But don't imagine that the spirit that has thus manifested itself 
there is confined to that section. Differing only in degree, according to 
local conditions, the same spirit everywhere characterizes that organi- 
zation. 

As you must still well remember, it has been only a few years since the 
Democracy of Ohio declared in their state platform 'that this government 
was made by white men, and that so far as we (the Democrats of Ohio) 
have the power to prevent it, it shall continue to be a government of white 
men.' 

And you can not have forgotten the infamous visible aamixture laws 
they placed upon our statute-books in 1858. They are wiser now, but 

they are no better. Only last Saturday a gentleman told me that in 

County, the county-seat of County, one of the strongholds of De- 
mocracy in this State, no colored man has ever yet been allowed to live. 

It is not surprising that a party capable of practicing such wicked intol- 
erance should have 

THE IMPUDENCE TO ASK FOR THE VOTES OF COLORED MEN 
— for such a party may be relied upon to do anything, — but it is certainly 
remarkable, to say the least of it, that any colored man should so far for- 
get himself as to listen to such an appeal. 

Very truly yours, etc, 

J. B. FORAKER. 

AN EARNEST AND HEARTY SUPPORT. 

Letter (July 1, 1885) of Hon, John P, Green: * * Permit me to say that 
you have lui.stakeu my zeal and enthusiasm for an honored fellow-towns- 
man, as exhibited by me in our recent State Convention, for opposition to the 
Republican cause, I am in ijolitics, to some extent, as I am in law. Though 
I may in the convention champion the cause of my preference with all the 
energy I can command, yet, when a ticket is selected, it would be disgrace- 
ful to my manhood, nty constituents, and my party, were I to do less than 
yield it au earnest and hearty support. 



— 124 — 

In 1857 my poor, dear mother sacrificed her humble home for a pittance, 
and spent the greater portion of it to bring ber children here from beneath 

A DEMOCRATIC DESPOTISM IN THE SOUTH, 

as detestable as it was universal. We left our humble abode, left associates, 
relatives, (some in slavery,) the graves of our loved ones, — native land, — left 
all in search of liberty ! Sacred name ! Sweet-sounding to our willing ears, 
but never seen by us there save in our imagination. 

We got here just after the reins of government in this State had been 
transferred from Democratic to Republican hands. Since then I have learned 

UNDER REPUBLICAN RULE WHAT IT IS TO BE A MAN. 

Slavery has been abolished, the ballot arid the jury box made accessible for 
us, the right to give testimony in open court accorded to us, and, mirabile 
clictu, we are even permitted to stand and plead ovir own cause at the bar of 
justice. Wonderful transformation ! What hath God wrought by means of 
his instrument, the great Republican party ! During all this while the Dem- 
ocratic party has not been idle. It has assailed the Union, and 

KILLED MORE THAN 360,000 OF OUR NOBLEST YOUTHS; 

it has impeded every effort made by the Republican party to bestow on col- 
ored Americans the rights of citizenship, intimidated and murdered their 
best friends in the South, — the poor, hard-working colored men, for only po- 
litical motives, reduced them by tyrannical laws and mock trials to a condi- 
tion of serfdom, in some cases worse tlian death, so that it is true, to-day, 
that thousands of colored men, some of whom fought in the army of the 
Union, are working 

LIKE ' DUMB DHIVEN CATTLE,' ON CHAIN GANGS, 

and under brutal task masters, to wliom they have been sold at public ven- 
due, and in some other instances being wiiipped and tortured to death for 
imaginary crimes. Why, even in this Ohio, so late as the 6th day of May, 
1869, (see Ohio Laws, vol. 65, page 119,) they enacted that damnable ' visible 
admixture law,' which made it a felony for a person having a visible admix- 
ture of African blood in his veins to vote, and fixed the penalty for so doing 
at not less than one year nor more than live years in the penitentiary. Now 
do you suppose I could desert the one great party and cling to the other, and 
afterwards 

LOOK MY MOTHER AND MY BRETHREN IN THE FACE WITHOUT SHAME? 

God forbid! For myself, I will cling to the Republican party, which gave 
us a name and a place before the laws of this great Nation ; which erected 
for us a family altar, released us from the galling yoke of slavery, elevated 
us to positions of honor and trust, and even now beckens us onward to a 
bright and glorious future. Judge Foraker, by his record iutlie army, by his 
long and varied career as a trusted public servant, and by his recent utter- 
ances, has proved himself to be in favor of freedom and equality to all — col- 
ored as well as white, and I now advise my colored brethren all over the 
State to pull ofi" their coats and work earnestly from this time until the night 
of election day, for the whole ticket and the Republican party. 

Respectfully. John P. Green. 

To Professor Richard L. Greiner, Washington, D. C. 

THE REV. J. W. GAZAWAY IS THE PASTOR OF ST. JOHN'S AFRICAN M. 
E. CHURCH, — FULLY SATISFIED, — 

Cleveland, Ohio, and was the plaintiff in the school suit. June 16, 1885, he 
wrote Judge Foraker thus: 

Dear Sir: — Having traveled over three hundred miles to vote for you two 
years ago, and did vole for you, notwithstanding your position in the case vs. 
W. J. White in the United States Court, and earnestly desiring the success of 
the Republican ticket tins fall, an*' in order to a correct uneerslanding rela- 
tive to your opinion, or I should say position toward the race to which I be- 
long (and the greater part of whom, I am happy to say, desire to vote the 
Republican ticket,) will you answer the following question, viz: Are you in 
favor of giving to the colored people of Ohio all of the best possible advant- 
ages ia educational facilities ? , 



— 125 — 

I wish to state further that your reply is not intended for publication, 
without your consent. I have thus written with a pure motive, and your 
private reply is anxiously awaited. Yours fraternally, 

J. W. Gaza WAY. 

Judge P'o raker replied: 

Cincinnati, Ohio, June 18, 1885. 
Rev. J. W. Gazaway, No. 500 Erie Street, Cleveland, Ohio. 

Dear Sir: — I am in receipt of your letter, inquiring whether or not I am 
* in favor of giving the colored people of Ohio all of the best possible ad- 
vantages in educational facilities.' 

I am glad you have been kind enough to give me an opportunity to say 
'yes' to such a question. If you had known me all my life, you would not 
have had any occasion to have asked me such a question, for by 

EVERY WORD, THOUGHT, DEED AND ACT OF MY LIFE 

I have shown, I think, the very great interest I have in the welfare of your 
race, and a desire to see them in the enjoyment of every means that will ele- 
vate and advance them. 

In the suit against Major White, I was called upon to argue a legal proposi- 
tion, based upon facts that 

I KNEW NOTHING WHATEVER ABOUT, 

but which had been agreed upon by the other counsel in the case. The mat- 
ter of race or color had nothing whatever to do with my feeling one way or 
another. Had you applied to me first, I should quite as cheerfully have 
served you as I did him, just as I have been in the employment of colored 
men, as their attorney, more or less continually ever since I commenced 
practicing law. I have at this time a number of cases on my docket in which 
I represent colored men. 

It was the ambition of my boyhood to see slavery abolished and the colored 
men made citizens and invested with every right that every other citizen 
might have under the law, and now that that has been done, I believe in 
treating 

AT.L EXACTLY ALIKE AND SECURING AND ENFORCING 

for all every right that may pertain to citizenshija. 

Hoping that I have satisfactorily answered you, I remain 

Very respectfully, yours, etc. J. B. Foraker. 

From Rev. J. W. Gazaway : 

Cleveland, Ohio, June 22, 1885. 
Hon. J. B. Foraker, Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Sir: — Your reply has reached me by due course of mail. I am fully sat- 
isfied, and dismiss at once, all opposition f:':i;lings. 

It shall be n^y purpose to advance your interests to theextent of my ability, 
whenever and wherever I can. 

I have been asked questions upon the matter of your candidacy, by per- 
sons from different parts of the State. I liave withheld my replies to some 
extent until this time. Having heard your favorable response to the ques- 
tion propounded, I am now prepared to assist in molding sentiment in your 
favor, and thereby advance the interests of the Republican party, whose 
principles are right and should be sustained because they are right. Regard 
me as one of your earnest supporters. Respectfully, etc. 

John W. Gazaway. 

wilberforce, near xenia, 
is the chief seat of the learning and culture of the colored race of 
the United States. Its most successful commencement occurred 
June 18, 1885. The correspondent of the Comrnercial-Gazettewrote : 

JUDGE FORAKER AND BISHOP CAMPBELL. 

Among those who went down below to fight the good fight iu 
the great fraternal strife, was one who was literally but a boy; 
to-day he is but a young man. Unbeknown to him, some of his 



— 126 — 

"home letters were published two years ago — beatings of the heart 
burning with patriotism and throbbing with pathos and gener, 
osity. Witli a prophetic determination belonging at that time to 
but few of mature years, and those only of the most extreme type, 
this boy wrote from the field of battle that he was not willing for 
the war to cease until every slave tvas free and this a nation for the 
colored as well as for the white man. This boy, now a young 
man, was at Wilberforce yesterday. By his side sat 

A GRAND OLD MAN, OF GRAY HAIR AND MASSIVE FORM. 

He is an ex-slave. The old man arose and was announced as the 
Right Rev. J. P. Campbell, of Pennsylvania, Bishop of the African 
M. E. Cliurch. He in turn introduced to the vast audience the 
young man at his side as the Hon. J. B. Foraker, of Cincinnati, 
the next Governor of Ohio. 

The occasion was the fifteenth anniversary of the Alumnal 
Association of Wilberforce University. Whatever is briglit, 
whatever is great, whatever is promising to the colored peo- 
ple of this country had its representatives gathered under the 
tented tabernacle spread out in the grove of Wilberforce. 
Naturally the most distinguished of the prominent colored men 
present were dignitaries of the African Methodist Episcopal 
Church. The white friends of the University, particularly those 
of Greene County, turned out in unprecedented numbers. It is 
estimated that the tent had seating capacity for three thousand 
persons, and every seat was occupied. The aisles were also packed 
and the canvas sides of the tabernacle were raised to accommo- 
date those who could not get beneath the roof. Foraker oiever had 
a greater compliment paid him, and Wilberjorce never had such a 
glorious anniversary. 

THE VENERABLE BISHOP CAMPBELL 

introduced Judge Foraker in the following hearty manner : 

" In addition to all the honors conferred upon me by my 
church, and by my people, and the great Republican party [ap- 
plause and laughter], and by the nation at large [renewed ap- 
plause], — I am honest in all this, — I have the additional honor 
to-day of introducing to you the future governor, after the next 
election, of the Buckeye State, as it is in my division of work at 
this time. I consider it a very great honor indeed to introduce 
to you Judge Foraker. [Applause.] Who would have thought 
thirty years ago that I Mould have this honor conferred upon me 
— of presenting to the grandest mixed assembly in the State of 
Ohio [great laughter] the future governor of this State. [Loud 
applause,] I ask that gentleman now to come forward in the 
person of Judge Foraker." [Loud and continued applause.] 



— 127 — 

FORAKER's speech — EXTRACTS. 

After bowing his acknowledgments for the vociferous welcome 
which greeted him, Judge Foraker said: 

Mr. Chairman and Ladies and Gentlemen : — If I could have but the en- 
thusiastic support of the representatives here to-day from the Keystone 
State, I do not question but that I would be next governor of the Buckeye 
State [great laughter] ; for almost every other one of the distinguished 
colored men to whom I have had the honor of being introduced to-day has 
proudly straightened himself up and told me " I live in Alleghany County, 
Pennsylvania," [roars of laughter] — next to Ashtabula County, Ohio, one 
of the grandest Republican strongholds in the United States. [Applause.] 

But I did not come here to talk about politics. I have been talking on 
that subject for the past week, and expect to be talking about politics for 
the next four months to come. To-day I come simply to visit this univer- 
sity, and to participate with you in the exercises of this occasion. And I 
wish first to thank the faculty of this institution for the kind invitation 
that has brought me here, for it has been the means of affording me grati- 
fication and pleasure. 

It always affords much high enjoyment to visit a place of learning, and 
exceptionally so here. Here I find centered not only all that interest 
which usually attaches to places of learning generally, but also in addition 
that which is of special interest to all who appreciate the best and highest 
concerns of that race for which every true and loyal heart in this nation is 
yearning. [Loud applause.] In other words, I find here two interests — 
that of a general character and that to which I have referr-^d as peculiar to 
this institution alone. •■■ * ■•■ * * ■■•■" * 

First, as to the general interest. This is a place where these youths, 
these men and women — these girls and boys now, but women and men 
shortly to be — are gathered together for the purpose of being educated, and 
prepared for the duties and responsibilities of life. They are undergoing 
an experience that people undergo but once in a life-time. Some of us have 
undergone that same experience. Those of us who have, as we come back 
to a place like this, feci stirred within us recollections of a most pleasing 
character. 

WE ARE REMINDED OF OUR OWN ACADEMIC DAYS. 

It is the hoisting of the ilood gate, as it were, through which is poured in 
upon the mind an overwhelming flood of the most pleasing memories. 
We feel and we know, as we come to a place like this, that we are coming 
not only into an atmosphere of intellectuality, but also into an atmosphere 
where youth and vigor abound, and where everything is pregnant with the 
hopes, the ambitions, and the aspirations that characterize the morning of 
life. It is an old and trite illustration, but in this presence, with these 
fresh graduates upon the platform, sophomoric though it may appear, I 
may be excused for using the illustration, that coming back in this way is 
something like the weary traveler stopping to rest at the sparkling fountain 
by the wayside. When he resumes his journey it is with renewed strength. 
So it is with us who have gone out from the colleges and have been bat- 
tling for some years with the struggles of life. When we come back to these 
quiet shades and retreats of learning, and spend a day with you at com- 
mencement-time, it is to be returned, as the result of it, to the battles and 
struggles of life, purer, stronger, abler and better men. [Great applause.] 
Such are the influences and results that make it a pleasure to me to meet 
"with you on this occasion." 



— 128 — 

The Judge pursued for a time the theme of educational pleasure, and 
then talked of college studies like a learned professor would, exploding 
the " utilitarian " theory, and pleading for thorough culture. He said : 

Again, it is impossible to study the course to be pursued here without ac- 
quiring knowledge of a valuable character, of which you ought, and no 
doubt will, have a proper appreciation. I know you will understand and 
agree with me in this respect as to a great many of the studies you will be 
called upon to pursue and are pursuing. You will understand it as to 
spelling, reading, writing, grammar and mathematics, and all those studies 
for a knowledge of which you will have a demand daily in the transactions 
of life. But I hear a great deal said in the way of controversy, among 
educators, too, to the effect that the utilitarian idea ought to prevail in re- 
gard to studies. We hear a good deal said especially about the ancint lan- 
guages. We frequently hear it said that the student ought to make choice 
while in school of the vocation of his life, and that he ought to equip him- 
self by special studies bearing upon that purpose or avocation ; and that 
unless he intends to follow an avocation in life that will make it necessary 
to have a knowledge of Latin and Greek, he ought not to waste any time 
on them. Well, that idea prevailed somewhat when I was a student at 
school. I remember that at that time I had made up rny mind that I 
would practice law. I did not know then that I was going to practice pol- 
itics some, too. [Laughter.] I intended simply to practice law, And I 
remember when I came to the study of botany and was called upon to an- 
alyze flowers and to learn about grasses and plants, I felt that I had come 
to a study that might be very appropriate for young ladies, but what on 
earth a man who intended to wrangle in the courts for a living wanted with 
botany, I conld not understand ; but when I got fairly into the study I 
changed my mind. I may have forgotten the names of flowers, I may have 
forgotten special facts in connection with that study, but 1 remember the 
general impressions of it. As 1 studied the growth and life of vegetation, 
I found new influences coming over my mind — new influences that told me 
day by day of new beauties and of unseen kindness of nature. So with 
geology. I expected to do business above ground. I was not much con- 
cerned with what was below. I thought, [Laughter] And yet, as I went 
along in the study of geology, and found how, by progressions through 
long ages, our globe had come from a molten mass to this cooling crust on 
which we live, and as I studied the animated forms of life that lived and 
perished during the different epochs, my mind grew in wonder, and was 
filled with amazement and with reverential awe for the Great Master Mind 
of Creation. [Applause.] And those feelings and those influences were 
intensified by the study of astronomy, ^nd the effort to solve the mystery 
of that Great Ever-acting Will of God, which we have labeled gravitation, 
by which the planets are held in their places. [Applause.] Yes, study 
the languages. Why, let me say to you, young people, who are at school 
here to-day, study every thing you can. [' Good !' and applause.] I 
don't like this utilitarian idea with respect to education. ['Amen!'} 
Somebody has said, ' Take care of the dimes, and the dollars will take care 
of themselves.' That's so — so true that it is a maxim. Yet there is a sense 
in which I have always detested the man who said it, and the spirit in 
which it was conceived, and that is the sense in which it looks not to the 
broader purposes of mankind, but to that selfish and reprehensible thing, 
personal advantage. So it is while you are here at school. In the first 
place, I know, whether you know or not, that you don't yet know what you 



— 129— ■ 

will want to know when you get into the world. You may think you will 
be a doctor, and maybe you will be ; you may think you are fitted to be a 
minister of the gospel, or a lawyer ; or you may intend to follow some 
other particular vocation, and yet the fact may be that God intended you 
for something else. It may be that he has put you here at Wilberforce and 
thrown opportunities about you to the end that by the pursuit, not of a cer- 
tain particular line of studies, but by the surveying and the investigation 
of the whole field of knowledge, >ou may have asymmetrical development 
of trie mind that will teach you when you come to grapple with the duties 
of life that you are fitted for something higher, something better, and some- 
thing broader than you ever dreamed of. [Applause.] Let me say that 
the great idea of your edueation should be to seek the truth — to seek it in 
every field of knowledge ; and when, as a scholar, you have arrived at the 
truth, then as you go into the world let this still be your motto (referring to 
the class motto over the platform), ' P/us U//ra.' When you go into the 
world let your motto be, ' The truth which I found as a scholar, as a man 
I shall act.' [Loud applause.] Thereiore, instead of neglecting lan- 
guage, study it — study it in all its iength and breadth, in all of its wonder- 
ful meaning — study it not simply that you may acquaint yourselves uith it 
so that you may use it as a vehicle for communication, but in that wider 
and broader sense in which it is a science, in the sense in which Max MuUer 
treats of it, in the sense in which it is a great structure, telling as no history 
can tell us of the origin, wanderings and development of mankind. [Ap- 
plause.] I have dwelt thus long upon the general feature of interest of 
your institution not because I thought it necessary, but only because some- 
how I felt called upon to direct the attention of these students in this 
university, where you have such a splendid curriculum and where you 
have such a competent Faculty, to the point of not trying to decide in ad- 
vance what they will do in life and then limit their studies accordingly, I 
desired to impress upon them, for their encouragement, to take advantage 
of everything spread before them and to make the most of it, whether it be 
in language, mathematics, literature or philosophy. Let your studies be 
broad that your minds may be broad, and that your duties in life may be 
successful in the highest sense. 

Under the second part of his subject the Judge declared his convic- 
tions, for 

FULL EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES FOR COLOREL) YOUTH, 

as complete in all respects as for white youth, and that every college and 
university should be open for all citizens without reference to creed or 
color, * * I can never forget, Mr. President, that I once somewhere read 
that when this institution was offered for sale, that grand and memorable 
old man. Bishop Payne — a man I have always wanted to personally know 
— in bidding for the property, said : ' 1 buy it in the name of the African 
Methodist Episcopal Church, trusting that God will give me ability to pay 
lor it ! ' [Applause.] And God did give him ability to pay for it, and he 
also gave him ability to rebuild it when incendiarism destroyed it, and he 
gave him ability to enlarge it, and to supply it with the instruments and 
apparatus necessary to make it the grand institution it is to-day, when it is 
more firmly rooted than ever it was before, and with a future brighterwith 
promise. « « * * « «■ 

The judge quoted President Washington's language, that there could be 

NO GENUINE MORALITY INDEPENDENT OF RELIGION. 

He congratulated Wilberforce in uniting morality and religion in its edu- 



— 130 — 

cational culture. The citizenship of the colored race was then adverted to. 
He continued: 'It seems incredible to us, in this year of 1885, meeting 
here under this tabernacle in this beautiful campus, that such a grand old 
hero, such a distittguished divine as Bishop Campbell — who did me the honor 
to introduce me — should have been once held in slavery as property, 
f' shame!'] Shame! Yes, but a more infamous shame that such grand 
intellects as those of Bishop Campbell and Bishop Turner and these other 
great men about me here, should have been by legislative enactments, under 
the pains and penalties of imprisonment in the penitentiary, as by the statute- 
books of Georgia and of South Carolina and other States it was provided, 
forbidden from learning their a, b, c's ! Do you remember? [A storm of 
'Yes, yes !'] The American people can easily forget; but Bishop Camp- 
bell will never forget. [' No, no ! Never!'] I never liked to go into the 
State of Georgia except once. I was down there once with old General 
Sherman, and we left a mark. [Laughter and applause.] I went down 
after just such chaps as Bishop Turner and Bishop Campbell, 

AND WE CAPTURED THEM AKD BBOUGHT THEM OUT THENCE. 

[Great laughter and applause.] But do you know that I always think 
when I speak in this way about Geprgia that there was once on the statute- 
books of that State not only a law against colored men learning their a, b, 
c's, but also a joint resolution, I believe it was, adopted by the legislature, 
offering a reward of $5,000 for the delivery anywhere within the borders 
of the State, of that grand old humanitarian, William Lloyd Garrison. 
[Hisses.] Not only that, but Georgia, and probably all the other slave- 
States, 

FORBADE BY LAW THE ORDINANCE OF MARRIAGE, 

as to slaves. They would not allow colored men to get an education while 
they lived, and manifestly did not want them to go to heaven when they 
died. [Great laughter and applause.] Well, they are going to heaven 
all the same. [Renewed laughter and cries of 'That's so.'] 

Why do I refer to these things ? 1 do so in order that I might supple- 
ment the reference with this statement — that it is no wonder that the 
colored people of the South, having been held in bondage for 250 years, 
and having been so degraded and debased, should be in the condition they 
are to-day ; it is no wonder that only about twenty-five per cent of them 
can read and write. Think of it, my colored friends — seventy-five per 
cent of the six millions of your race, all American citizens, unable to read 
or write! What a grand field it is for Wilberforce LIniversity to work in ! 
What a grand inspiration for an institution that comes up to the measure 

SET BY GEORGE WASHINGTON— KNOWLEDGE AND MORALITY ! 

Go on, then, with your good work! [Voices, ' We'll do it !'] 

And I thought as I stood on this platform to-day and read the names of 
these graduates from Tennessee, and Texas, and Louisiana, and Arkan- 
sas, that it was a grand, good thing that there was a place up here in the 
State of Ohio where they can come and get such inspirations and enjoy 
such associations as will enable them to return into that night of darkness 
and go into the ranks of their own fellow-citizens to labor to spread the 
light of both education and religion. Young men, you have a glorious 
field before you. Those people down there have been made citizens, and 
it is important that they should — I came pretty near saying that they should 
know how to vote right. [Laughter.] But that is unnecessary — they 
know how. But the trouble is they don't get to exercise that right. * * 
* * But how to remedy it is another thing. But one of the ways to 



— 131 — 

remedy it is for these young men to go down there and spread the knowl- 
edge which they have acquired here. I am glad to know that you are doing 
it. I have read somewhere that there are to-day about 

TEN THOUSAND SCHOOLS AMONG THE COLORED PEOPLE OF THE SOUTH. 

See to it, my colored friends of Wilberforce, that you make the number 
twenty thousand. Goon with your work until you educate that people; 
and when you have educated that six millions of people you will find that 
they have been made stronger and able to help themselves, able to rise up 
in the strength of their knowledge, and they themselves will right their 
wrongs. **-:■* s -jf 

Do you remember, my fellow-citizens, that for forty-five years — from 1805 
to 1850 — we had on the statute-books of Ohio a blot and disgrace known as 

'THE BLACK LAWS OF OHIO.' 

Now I expect you have forgotten what the black laws were. Well, 
some of you haven't, for I see you shaking your heads. Let me tell 
these young people what they were. The 'Black Laws ' were statutes 
which, among o.her things, forbade any colored man to testify in any 
case in court in which a white man was a party. Not only that, 
but these black laws provided that no white man should hire a colored 
man to do a days work, or any part of a day's work, unless that 
colored man would first enter into a bond in the sum of ^500, to be filed in 
the Courthouse, with approved security, that he would keep the peace and 
not be a public charge. That was encouraging labor, you know. [Laugh- 
ter.] I remember of hearing of a case that happened in the part of the 
State where I lived, where a poor colored man, traveling along the road, 
wearied and worn out, applied at a farmer's house for his dinner, offering 
to chop enough wood to pay for it. The farmer accepted the proposition, 
and the colored man got his dinner and chopped enough wood to pay for 
it. I should explain that the black-laws provided that the penalty for a 
violation of them by a white man should be a fine of $100, half of which 
should be paid to the informer to insure prosecution. And the old farmer 
was proniptly arrested, and duly prosecuted for 

A VIOLATION OF THE LAWS OF THE GREAT STATE OF OHIO 1 

Now, I say, it seems incredible that there could have been a public sen- 
timent in Ohio of which such infamous laws were the reflection. And 
yet all these old men around me remember these laws. But they're all 
swept away now. ['Thank God!' and 'Amen!'] — swept away to the 
credit of the people of Ohio and to the credit of the age in which we 
live [fervent amens] — swept away never to come again! ['Never, 
never!] There is encouragement in that fact for you. 

A race that can produce such men as Fred Douglass, Bishop Campbell, 
Bishop Payne, Biihop Turner, Bishop Brown, Bishop Ward, Bishop 
Caine, Bishop Shorter, Bishop Wayman, and the late lamented Bishpp 
Dickerson, and Dr. Derrick, and snch alumni of your Wilberforce, (m ad- 
dition to the names already mentioned) as Drs. Jennifer, Welch and 
Jackson, Dr. Lee, editor of Christtmi Recorder, Prof. Shorter, Drs. Mitchell, 
and Delancy, and Drs. Tanner, Watkins, Jonson, and Hunter, and Drs. 
Stewart, Mitchell, and Handy, and Drs. Weeks, Simmons, Gaines, Asbury, 
Townsend, and that profound Greek scholar. Prof. Scarborough, 
and such men as our worthy friend. Brother Arnett, v^ho is to be 
the next representative in the legislature from this county [loud ap- 
plause] — and a glorious good one he will be — he will be loyal, 1 warrant 
you, to all of the highest and best interests of the State and of the colored 



— 132 — 

and also of the white people — a race, I say, that can produce such men as 
these, men of such intellect, men of such character, is deserving of the 
highest encoura>)ement, and 

MUST BE SUCCESSFUL AND TRIUMPHANT IN ALL IT UNDERTAKES. 

I thank you cordially for vour courteous attention. Good-by. [Loud 
and continued applause.] 

VEHEMENT EMPHASIS OF THE REGARD OP THE COLORED PEOPLE 

The correspondent adds : 

It would be hypocrisy to pretena that the leaders and representatives of 
the colored race, as gathered here, did not desire that their reception to 
Foraker should not have any political significance. Almost a vehement 
emphasis was given to their reception to Foraker in consequence of and as 
an answer to the slander that the Republican nominee for governor of 
Ohio was not in sympathy with the colored race. Perhaps the most elo- 
quent speech of the entire anniversary — for it has lasted several days — was 
an impromptu one by Rev. W. B. Derrick, of New York, who had just 
had conferred upon him the decree of Doctor of Divinity. Dr. Derrick is 
pastor of a church in New York City. It will be remembered that he was a 
Blaine elector, but resigned to prevent a question, he being a native of the 
Island of Antigua, although he is a naturalized citizen. When called upon 
for a speech after Foraker had left the grounds, he talked what men of 
the world would call 'straight goods.' He placed himself firmly on the 
rock of Christianity, and next to his religion, he declared his 

heart's affection went out to THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
That miijht be called politics, he said; but he was a colored man talk- 
ing to colored men, and the times demanded bold and unequivocal 
utterances. His peroration, the subject of which was Foraker, was 

A MASTERPIECE OF PASSIONATE ELOQUENCE, 
and the audience rapturously applauded him. He placed Foraker as the 
very first leader of the colored people. He knew of no man with such 
grand parts, who was so emphatically and effectively the friend of the 
colored race. He called him the Charles Sumner of this last quarter of 
the nineteenth century. 

In the evening Judge Foraker addressed the graduates of the 
the High-Hchool of Xenia, and at night the citizens of Xenia, 
when he said : 

"Now, my friends, there is sucli a thing as victory in defeat. 
We didn't elect James G. Blaine and John A. Logan as we ought. 
But we gained, I think, as grand a victory as that would have 
been, and one which should satisfy the most ardent desirer of 
good government. Our Democratic friends have been coinj^elled 
to give their reluctant testimony that the money is all there, 
that the books ate all right, and that the administration of- the 
Republican party has been 

CHARACTERIZED BY THE MOST ABSOLUTE HONESTY. 

Now, if such has been the case, if such has been the record of the Re- 
publican party, and no man will dispute it, why should that party be 
turned out of power ? Not because the people condemned it. But still, it 
is out. Why and how ? I think every man here knows and understands. 
In the last Electoral College that sat in the United States — the one which 



— 133 — 

elected Mr. Cleveland — there were forty electoral votes that ought to have 
been Republican votes, representing the colored Republicans of the eleven 
seceding States. Forty voles that would not have been in that college had 
it not been for the generosity of the Republican party. Forty votes that 
ought to have been Republican, and would have been were it not because 
with the bull-whip and the shot-gun, by terrorism and by fraud, the people 
were robbed of the right of citizenship." 

I From a speech at Newark, Ohio, July 28, 1883 : " The bright- 
est gem in the crown of RcDublicanism is the victory it-won over 
Democracy when it 

ABOLISHED HUMAN SLAVERY, 

enfranchised the freedman, and placed all American citizens on 
an equality before the law." 

From the address at Ludlow Falls, August 31, 1883 : " Ohio 
is a Republican State; a majority of the counties are Repub- 
lican. There are not as many Democratic as Republican county 
treasurers; and yet, while there have been three Republican county 
treasurers as defaulters, there are twenty-six Democratic treas- 
urers guilty of defalcation, ranging from $4,000 in Wyandot to 
$13,000 in Fairfield, where they have ordinarily a Democratic 
majority of 1,800. 

THIS IS THEIR RECORD IN NATION AND STATE, 

I refer to it, not to give Democrats offense, nor to abuse them ; 
for it is not in accordance with my taste to abuse any man or 
any party — nor to show that Democrats are less honest than 
Republicans, but that they are less careful and fortunate in 
their selections." 

Extracts from speech 

AT WOOSTER, OHIO, 

February 22, 1884: "But the silence with which they patiently endured 
was but the calm preceding the storm. In 1852 the Whig party died — 
died of 

AN ATTEMPT TO SWALLOW THE FUGITIVE SLAVE-LAW — 
and thus the way was cleared for newer and better issues. Human 
rights had attracted attention, and the contention was between slavery 
and liberty ; and wrapped up in this controversy was the great question 
of the perpetuity of our Government. 

The politicians of the South foresaw that slavery could not keep pace 
with freedom, and that it was merely a question of time when the North 
would succeed to the control of National affairs. Not willing to remain in 
the Union 

UNLESS THEY COULD CONTROL IT, 

they set up as against the day of dethronement the doctrine of secession, 
so that when they could no longer rule they could, apparently at least, 
legitimately ruin. In the light of the present we easily see the right 
side of this question. Jackson showed it in 1852, and forcibly too, to 
the erring Democracy in his celebrated proclamation to the 

NULLIFIERS OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 
Webster made it plain with the force of eloquence and logic in his great 
debate with Haynes. What Jackson and Webster contended for has be- 



— 134 — 

come so fundamental that we wonder that it was ever questioned. It was 
an unsettled problem of the hour, and it required courage as well as 
discernment to make it a distinctive issue. The Republican party had 
both. Our party was 

NOT MADE BY POLITICIANS. 
It was born of the people. It was the suppression of their interest against 
the imbicelity that had wasted our revenues, neglected our development, 
degraded our labor, and destroyed our credit. It was the embodiment of 
their indignation at the pretensions of slavery and the treason of disunion. 
The platform of the first National Convention denounced slavery and 
polygamy as the twin sisters of barbarism, proclaimed equality of rights 
for all citizens, the power and duty of the Government to protect and de- 
velop our own industries, to care for labor, and to preserve the Union 
and the Constitution. These promises, thus made by this party in the 
hour of its birth, have been most sacredly kept." It has sacredly kept 
every promise that it has made to the American people. * * 

AMID THE SHOT, AND SHELL, AND SMOKE, 

and storm of battle, the shackles were struck off and the bond made free. 
True to the cause of humanity, it stopped not until the despised freedmen 
were lifted up to citizenship and equality of rights before the Constitution 
and the laws. * s- * * * * * 

Extracts from a speech made as temporary chairman of a Re- 
publican Convention at Cincinnati, March 20, 1884: 

* * We were not successful in that campaign ; but the fault was 

not at the door of the 

REPUBLICANS OP HAMILTON COUNTY. 
* * In this county and in the State our Democratic friends had the vic- 
tory in the election of their ticket. But what was the victory ? Napoleon 
once said after one of his great battles, that another such victory, great as 
it was, if achieved at equal loss, would be his absolute ruin. [Applause.] 
» * «- In 1882 the Democratic party swept this county with the over- 
whelming majority of 10,000. These were respectable figures. They made 
Republicans feel lonesome. Last year, twelve months later, after an 
earnest and vigorous campaign, * * they were glad to get off with 
10,000 reduced to 2,500. [Great Applause.] At this rate of progression, 
it requires no spirit of prophecy to foretell that Ohio, in this year of 1884, 
will be 

RESTORED TO THE REPUBLICAN COLUMN 

with her old-fashioned Republican majority. [Applause], 

Commenting on this speech, the Chicago Inter-Ocean, said : 

" Judge Foraker's pertinacity^ along with his talent, which is of a 

high order, commands the respect of the 

REPUBLICAN LEADERS OVER THE NATION. 

The tremendous work of last fall has given him great influence 
over the voting masses. His spirit maps out the campaign of 
.1884. 

Sidney, Ohio, September 18, 1884. 

The Sidney yournal said : No better meeting was ever held in Sidney. 

The judge will be remembered by all who heard him, for he impressed 

them with his candor, his common sense, and his abilities as a man 

rounded and complete." '' 



— 135 — 

Gallipolis, Ohio, September i6. 1884. 
The judge received an ovation of applause. The people recognized in 
him the man for whom Gallia County gave an unusually large majority for 
governor a year ago, and a desire to have another chance to cast their 
vote for him next year seemed to pervade the audience, so that one could 
almost hear the still, small voice quivering among the leaders of the 
parties. 

BROOKLYN, N. Y., SPEECH. 

Ex-Judge J. B. Foraker of Ohio made the last speech. He 
was greeted with long continued applause. Though the hour 
was late, 11 : 00 p. m., (Gen. Hawley having spoken for three 
hours,) his speech was listened to with marked attention, and his 
telling points were approved with vociferous cheers. — New York 
Tribune^ August 22 : 

While Judge Foraker was speaking of Ex-Governor Hendricks, 
some one in the audience cried out, 

"where was JOHN A. LOGAN 

at this time?" 

'Where was John A. Logan at the same time?' asked the speaker, with 
flashing eyes, and then answering his own question, 'He was at the head of 
the Fifteenth Army Corps with Sherman's troops, and they had just broken 
down the last barrier between them and the 'Gate City' of the South, and 
were marching triumphantly forward to the sea. Logan was in bad com- 
pany at one time. We concede it with regret. But he came out of it 
when the first shot was fired on Fort Sumter, and, thank God, he never 
went back. [Great applause.] * * Now, the principal assault made on 
our candidate for vice-president rests on the ground that he does sometimes 
make mistakes in the use of the English language. I have known some 
very estimable men and women who have violated the rules of grammar. 
It is the easiest thing in the world to make mistakes of this sort. But John 
A. Logan is not this sort of a man. He profited by his opportunities at 
academy and college. He is to-day a student. He has had, too, all that 
experience in public life which is of so much importance in the political de- 
velopment of a man's mind. He has had the experience of the camp, the 
field, the rostrum, a long training in Congress, and a long service at the bar. 

'he can't write good ENGLISH?' 

He wrote some English on one occasion that was good enough for me. It 
was when they had asked him to come home from the war and accept a 
nomination to Congress. He wrote, 'I have received your kind favor in- 
dorsing a nomination for Congress in the Fourteenth District. I state all 
my views when I say that the integrity of the Union must be preserved. 

I HAVE NO other politics AND NO OTHER AMBITION. 

Our government must be transmitted to our children in the same mold iu 
which we have received it, if it takes the last dollar and the last man the 
country can raise.' [Applause.] That was good enough English for me, 
and I think you will agree with me. [The answer was a storm of ap- 
plause.] It was better than any ever written by Thos. A. Hendricks. 
[Applause.] 

" But men can only stand as the representatives of principles in our form 
of government. Some Brooklyn citizen was kind enough to send me the 
printed address of the gentleman who presided over the gathering of the 



— 136 — 

bolters, which took place in this city some time ago. I was glad to receive 
it. The chairman of that gathering is evidently a man of intelligence and 
of ability. But when he says that there is nothing at 

ISSUE BETWEEN THE TWO PARTIES 

at the present time he makes a great mistake. * * * But would it be 
advisable to advocate a change of administration simply for the sake of a 
change ? I\Ir. Carl Schurz thinks it would be desirable now. He thought 
differently in 1880, when he was holding a public office, and made a long 
speech in that campaign, in which he dwelt upon the danger of letting in 
men upon the public trusts who would fill all positions with those 
who, if not incapable or dishonest, would at the least be without expe- 
rience, and who would fill the places of trained public servants. He showed 
conclusively that if such a party were let into power, it would be impos?^ibIe 
for any outside office to control its managers, or for the managers them- 
selves to, no matter what their own integrity might be, to defend the pub- 
lic from the inroads of those who would conceive that it was their support 
which had put into power the new administration. He showed that all the 
affairs of the government were honestly carried on as a rule, and that there 
was no necessity of a change of any kind. Now Mr. Schurz has changed 
his tune and thinks change is desirable in itself. I have the greatest re- 
spect for Mr. Schurz. He is a man of ability, and is frequently found on 
the right side. When he is not found there, it is because he has made au 
honest mistake." 

Till after midnight Judge Foraker held the over-crowded 
house, which still begged him to "go on." 

Stanton Journal (Virginia), May 2Sth, 1885 : 

As Judge Foraker proceeded with his masterly argument, the 
applause was deafening, 

THE GIFTED OHIOAN IS AN ABLE SPEAKER. 

Youthful, almost in appearance, with a frank, genial face, and 
cordial, yet dignified manners, he had made his way to the 
hearts of the people even before he had carried conviction to 
their understanding, by his unanswerable presentation of the 
issues of the canvas. His voice is clear and distinct, his gestures 
few yet always appropriate. He presents his ideas with direct- 
ness and force that leave an indelible impression. He makes 
converts. * * * Whenever he visits us he will be 

WELCOMED WITH A WARMTH AND SINCERITY 

that few can evoke. * * From beginning to end Judge Fora- 
ker's grand sjieech was punctuated with applause, and at its 
close, cheer after cheer resounded and drowned the music of the 
band. 

Judge Foraker commenced his two hours' speech by saying 
that the ring of Republican cheers in Virginia sounded very 
much as they did in Ohio. It might be asked what interest he 
hiad in the election in this State ; why was he coming here to 
seek to influence the votes of Virgina? The interests to be 
affected by the results of this canvass could not be limited by the 
State lines ; they extended alike to all sections of the Union. 



— 137 — 

OHIO VOTED FOR VIRGINIA AND VIRGINIA VOTED FOR OHIO. 

Each State is an integral part of the whole, and its interests, its 
hopes, and its prospects are so closely interwoven with the wel- 
fare of the 55,000,000 people of the Republic that to injuriously 
afifect one is to hurt all. There was a time, said the speaker, 
when I would not have come to Virginia to counsel and advise 
with her people. Virginia believed in the institution of slavery 
then and the old State Sovereignty dogma. Ohio did not. So 
wide was the difference between them that there was no common 
ground to meet upon. Now, however, those issues are dead, and 
the measures that shall bring prosperity to my people will prove 
like blessings to yours. The triumph of the principles of the 
Republican party does not mean a victory for the North over the 
South, but a victory of the North and South in a common cause. 

Staunton, Virginia. 
Judge Foraker addressed a Republican meeting here to-day of 
over 2,000, delivering one of 

THE ABLEST SPEECHES EVER HEARD IN THE STATE. 

His exposition of the tariff was lucid and powerful. The united 
enthusiasm with which he was greeted proved that he had made 
a way straight to the hearts of Virginians. It infused into the 
party a new life. No man ever met with a heartier reception, 
and none ever proved himself worthier of it. — Special to Commer- 
cial-Gazette^ Aug. 25, 1884. 

Stauntox, Va., August 25. 

Judge Foraker arrived here Saturday evening, unheralded, 
and taking quarters at the ouiet Kalorama Hotel, thought to 
escape notice for a day. 

He did not know with what close interest 

HIS SPLENDID OHIO CAMPAIGN 

of last 3'ear had been watched by Virginia friends, and he was 
soon made the recipient of becoming attention. Judge Foraker 
is another of the great men who look back to Virginia for their 
ancestry. His great-grandfather was the original discoverer of 
the famous Weyer Cave in this county, which bears his name. 
* * For two and a half hours Judge Foraker held the vast 
audience enchained by his arguments, his elocjuence and his wit, 
both genial and sarcastic. * * He satisfied the intellect, stirred 
the heart, and brought forth loud and long-repeated cheers, and 
his closing period raised a tempest of 7-apturous enthusiasm. — Special 
to Richmond ( Va.) Whig. 

Dayton, September 21, 1884. 
No one ever held an audience at the court-house better than 
Judge Foraker did on Saturday night. The speaker held his 
audience for two hours, and when he had concluded, they called 
on him to continue. — Dayton Journal, September 23, 1884. 



Extract : "We ought not to pursue a policy that will widen 

THE CHASM BETWEEN THE RICH AND THE POOR. 

The laboring man has here an opportunity to elevate himself 
and he succeeds. A complete refutation of the assertion of the 
Democratic party that Republican policy is to allow the rich to 
become richer and the poor, poorer, is that immigration grows 
and there is no emigration. Who is there in this assembly that 
wears a foreign garment ? Not one. * ^ * 

At Pomeroy : Cassius M. Clay and Judge Foraker addressed 
the people on presidential issues. The Journal of the place said : 
" People sat patiently in the sweltering heat (of August,) and 
listened as quietly as in a church, except their applauding. Per- 
sons in the most distant grounds could hear every word. 

DELIBERATION AND DISTINCTNESS CHARACTERIZED HIS 
UTTERANCES. 

His speech was strong, convincing, and was cheered lustily. 

JUDGE FORAKER AT SHELBY, 1884. 

The Judge's strength lies not in rhetorical flights, nor the blaze of elo- 
quence, nor in humor, for he neither works on the passions nor the emotions. 
His enunciation is distinct, and his English clear-cut and vigorous. He 
clears up as he proceeds, does not qualify with a circumlocutory perhaps, 
or with enervating apologies, but drives for the center, carrying conviction 
by argument, most charmingly presented. There was nothing harsh in his 
dealings with Cleveland, and yet the following point was peculiarly effect- 
ive : Grover Cleveland, he said, had been a voter for some time when the 
war of the rebellion broke out. He was a lawyer by profession in the city 
of BuflHilo. All through the years of the war, of reconstruction, of the con- 
sideration of the finance and constitutional amendments, of the discussion 
of the feasibility of resumption, he was a healthy citizen, but there is no 
record that he had an opinion on any of tliese vital questions which stirred 
every man who was a man. Grover Cleveland voted the Democratic ticket 
•with marked regularity, and then lapsed into the blissful feeling that his 
whole duty was performed. Whether he is a free-trader or a tariff man is a 
secret. As he is not married, the secret will probably never be disclosed. 

* * * One objection I had to Tilden, he said, was that he had no 

EXPERIENCE IN THE SACREDNESS OF A FAMILY, 

for I hold that no life is rounded that has not such an exnerience. — Shelby 
Journal. 

From Judge Foraker's Cincinnati Music Hall speech, October 

18, 1884 : 

>!<*;}«" For President we want a man of 

BROAD, ENLIGHTENED, PROGRESSIVE, COMPREHENSIVE 

and American statesmanship, with a life and a record full of 
loyalty, patriotism, and devotion to the Union and tlie constitu- 
tion. " * * * * ^ * 

" You can travel all through Mississippi, Florida, and Arkan- 
sas without finding a manufacturing interest of greater impor- 
tance than a blacksmith shop. Tiie official report of the State 
auditor of Alabama for 1883 shows that in Coffee County, Ala- 



— 139— 

Ibama, there was a Democratic majority of 1,050 votes, and in this 
county the total tax-valuation was $90. This same report shows 
that in this same county the tax-valuation of its guns and pistols 
was $3,637. This same official report shows the same condition 
of Covington, Crenshaw, Escambia, Fayette, and other counties of 
this State. 

THE CIVILIZATION THAT WAS BORN OF SLAVERY 

has not yet perished. It is radically different from the civiliza- 
tion that has sprung up under the radiant sunlight of human 
liberty that has beamed, and smiled, and played over the hills 
and valleys of the Northern section of this Republic. It is over 
that civilization you have again triumphed — over a shot-gun 
party and a shot-gun policy." 

The Times-Star (Cincinnati) said of the jumbo jubilee at Music 
Hall, held after the October Ohio victory : " With his usual 
clear and persistent eloquence, Judge Foraker made 

BUT LITTLE EXULTATION OVER THE VICTORY. 

He ma:Ie his speech against the Democratic cause. * * ^ It 
is this party of shot-guns and pistols that talk of throwing out 
Ben Butterworth because a few deputy marshals had a few bull- 
dog pistols. We don't want that end of the country to be on top 
yet." 

Judge Foraker, in his impromptu speech, October 28, 1884, in- 
troducing the society of the Army of the Cumberland to the Cin- 
cinnati Chamber of Commerce, among other things said : "With 
the exception of Washington, there was no city within the Union 
lines more exposed to dangers of 

OUR CIVIL WAR THAN CINCINNATI. 

When we reached the end of the struggle, we found our city had 
heen as little harmed as any other in the land. This good for- 
tune was not accidental. Situated on the very border-line of the 
Rebellion, we were on this account — aside from other considera- 
tions — a continually inviting prey to the enemy ; so much so 
that there was not one campaign planned, aggressive in its char- 
acter, for the rebel armies of the South and West, that had not 
for one of its objective points 

THE CAPTURE AND PILLAGE OF THIS CITY. 

[Hear, hear.] Hence, the surges of the conflict were felt in this 
direction. More than once we saw the red waves of strife roll to 
our very feet, but each time, thanks to the heroism and valor 
here represented, only to be dashed to pieces and flung back 
again, harmless as they struck upon 

THE VERITABLE ROCK OP CHICAMAUGA. 

[Applause.] These are the men who constituted the rock — that 
protecting breaker for this city — for they are the men of Buell, 
Rosecrans, and grand old Thomas. Not only are they the men 



— 140— 

who in this sense were the especial defenders of Cincinnati, the 
heroes of Mill Springs, Perry ville, Stone River, and Chickamauga, 
but they are men also who, side by side with their gallant com- 
rades of the Army of the Tennessee, won for our cause and our 
flag imperishable renown, as well as victory on the bloody fields 
of Shiloh, Mission Ridge, Atlanta, and in the ever-famous 
march to the sea." [Great applause]. 

This address, so peculiarly appropriate and so much admired, 
thus closes : 

"If there is anything for which we are more thankful to-day 
than for that success (just referred to), it is that 

THROUGH THE GOODNESS AND MERCY OP GOD 

our lives have been spared to see the day when the fruits of that 
struggle are beginning to be as much appreciated at the South as 
at the North [applause] ; when the people of the South are learn- 
ing to appreciate that 

CUB VICTORY WAS THEIR VICTORY J 

when we approximate the time when, only in a geographical 
sense, there will be a South, or North, or East, or West ; but 
when we can look around ut to see the people of every section — 
North, South, East, West, — united hand-in-hand, arm-in-arm, 
enjoying a 

COMMON PROSPERITY, A COMMON CONSTITUTION, 

a common government, a common flag, with a common future, 
full of hope and promise for us all. [Loud applause.] These 
are the men whose deeds, with those of their companions, 
accomplished these results for us." 

The Army of the Cumberland selected Captain Foraker as 
their orafor Ixjr the next reunion, at Grand Rapids, September 18 
and 19, 1885. 

At Sharon, October 31, 1884, Judge Foraker addressed a large 
and enthusiastic audience. 

Extract : " It is not the Democratic party against the Repub- 
lican, but it is the solid South with the anticipated assurance of 
a State or two north of the line 

AGAINST THE LOYAL NORTH. 

It is simply disloyalty arrayed against the loyalty represented by 
both white and black." 

^ At Shinn's Grove, Novembers, 1884, the judge addressed an 
enthusiastic mass-meeting. He reviewed the Government and 
its finances from 1840 to the present, and ably replied to the free- 
trade speech of Speaker Carlisle from the same stand a short time- 
before. 

Extract of a speech before the Young Men's Blaine Club, April 
11, 1885, at its greeting to Amor Smith, Mayor-elect of Cincin- 
nati. " The election of last Monday was the 



— 141 — 

people's protest against iniquitous incompetency. 
It means that in Cincinnati we are to have a home government ; 
that the iniquitous ring-rule is to be broken ; that our go«d name 
is to be regarded ; that our credit is to be restored." 

celebration of the 63d birthday of gen. grant, 
at Turner Hall, Cincinnati, Ohio, April 25, 1885 : 

The mere mention of his (Judge Foraker's) name, evoked an 
enthusiasm which did not subside for five minutes. * * * * 
The cries of" Hur.rah for Foraker, the next Governor of Ohio,^' were 
taken up simultaneously all over the hall; it was an inspiration 
not called for, nor sought, but it was the very nature of a great 
occasion, and personality was for the time forgotten; it was that 
of a great people embodied in pure sentiinent, irrespective of 
party. — Commercial- Gazette. 

After the judge, in his oration, had noticed Gen. Grant's career 
and his army record, he said, " But ' Peace hath her 
victories no less renowned than war..' 

* * There were other laurels. * -'^ It remained to secure 
the fruits of his victory. -^ * For eight years he was president 
of the United States. * * He was assailed, libeled, and ma- 
ligned. * * But now how changed! To-night he lingers on 
the brink of the grave, but as he casts behind him a farewell look 
to the receding world, he sees standing in tearful suspense and 
with affectionate reverence, 

the whole AMERICAN PEOPLE 

— friend and foe, federal and confederate, Republican and Demo- 
crat, vieing with each other to manifest love and esteem. ^ * 
He has outlived his enemies; he has only friends." >5j * * 

The newspapers of Cincinnati say of Cincinnati pioneers' meet- 
ing at Music Hall in May (1885), that there was a splendid 
speech from Judge Foraker, that Music Hall was crowded with 
members of the Citizens' Memorial Association and citizens 
young and old ; that the six hundred children from the public 
schools made a magnificent chorus, occupying seats on the stage 
in rows rising above the old white-headed pioneers grouped be- 
neath them. So vivid a contrast between youth and age has sel- 
dom been seen. The G. A. R. veterans were in the audience, 
some organizations coming in with the enthusing fife and drum, 
bringing the audience to its feet and causing a general cheer. 

Judge Foraker, 

always popular BEFORE A MUSIC-HALL 

audience, delivered his oration with his usual eloquence, and was 
cheered with the same vigor that has often welcomed his appear- 
ance in a political meeting. 

JUDGE foraker's ORATION. 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: — I have read of a custom in 
Ireland in obedience to which every one who chances to meet a funeral 



— 142 — 

procession is required to humbly turn and accompany it at least a little 
way on its sad march to the grave. In this simple manner it is sought to 
pay 

A SUGGESTIVE TEIBUTE OF RESPECT TO THE DEAD. 

Such, in a general way, is the character of our purpose here 
this evening. We have turned aside from the busy walks of life 
that we may spend an hour in honor of the dead ; we have come 
to pay a tribute of respect to our departed, and in the sacred 
presence of the memories thus recalled commemorate their 
virtues. 

Our coming together for such a purpose is not an idle cere- 
mony, but 

A BEAUTIFUL, IMPRESSIVE AND APPROPRIATE SERVICE — 

beautiful, because of the spirit that prompts it ; impressive, be- 
cause it recalls hallowed associations that are now, alas ! forever 
broken ; appropriate, because all flesh is grass, everything must 
perish ; and whither they have gone we too are hastening with 
the swiftness of the fleeting years. Hi * * * 

I spoke of a custom of Ireland. There was another custom 
among tlie ancient Egyptians, in accordance with which when 
one died they would not allow him burial until after he had been 
carried into the presence of jiulges, appointed for the purpose, 
whose duty it was to hear all that might be said for or against 
the deceased, and upon such testimony pronounce impartial 
judgment as to whether his deeds had been such in life as to en- 
title him to honorable remembrance in death. We have not 
come here — at least not so far as the duty that has been imposed 
upon me is concerned — to thus sit in judgment upon individual 
lives. If such was the task assigned me, it would be a pleasing 
duty to make honorable mention of a long list of names, some of 
which would be most familiar, but many of which would not be 
so; for with us as with other communities it has been the fact 

THAT SOME OP THE MOST USEFUL LIVES 

that have been passed among us have been so humbly and ob- 
scurely lived as to be forgotten almost as soon as ended. * ^ How 
many of us are familiar with the name of Prof. Vaughan ? And 
yet in the great societies and academies of learning and science in 
Europe, it is regarded as one of the distinguished honors of our 
city that it should have been the home of so eminent a scholar. 
And this is equally true of hundreds who were connected "with 
the pulpit, the press, the schools, and the professions ; and what 
is thus true of such men is also true in a much greater degree of 
the men who have spent their lives in physical toil and labor. 
It is true of that 

GRAND ARMY OF INVENTIVE GENIUSES 

who have constructed and given to this city its wonderful 
power. It is true of the architects and engineers who have built 



— 143 — 

our temples, projected our railroads, spanned our rivers with 
bridges, and utilized, beautified, and adorned tlie rugged hills by 
which we are surrounded. It would be pleasing, too, in the per- 
formance of such a task to recount the virtues that ennobled the 
lives, and recite the deeds of generosity that made famous the 
names of such men as 

SPRINGER AND LONGWORTH AND WEST. 

But that task in so far as it is to be performed at all has been as- 
signed to others. My task is to briefly call your attention to the 
aggregate of some of the results that have been accomplished by 
these men who have passed away, and from such results as the 
fruits of their labors ask you to judge of the character of tlie men 
we would honor. 

ATHENS, ROME, PARIS, LONDON, 

and the other noted cities of the old world had been full-grown 
for centuries before we were born. They had been the seats of 
government, the centers of trade and commerce, the sources of 
learning, the homes of art and the scenes of great historical 
events that gave them wealth, power, culture, and tragic-like in- 
terest for mankind long ages before even our foundations were 
laid. It is not one hu.ndred years since all this beautiful 
Uhio valley was a wild, unbroken forest, inhabited by only sav- 
age beasts and savage men. There were here 

NO CITY, NO GOVERNMENT, NO CIVILIZATION, 

and no law of any kind save that of nature. But to-day, how 
changed! The forests have been swept away, and every hill and 
valley blossoms as tlie rose. 

The silence of solitude has been forever banished by the busy 
hum of a thousand industries. The rudeness of barbarism has 
been supplanted by the refinements of civilization, and the sav- 
agery of beast and man has faded into tradition amidst the loving 
kindness of Christianity. 

We have a population of three hundred thousand souls. They 
represent almost every nationality on the face of the earth, and 
every kind of thought, hope, ambition, and aspiration. And yet, 
we are a homogeneous community, seeking and attaining pros- 
perity in all the, avocations of life, but living harmoniously to- 
gether in a common enjoyment of the most enlightened institu- 
tions, and under the protection of the best form of government 
known to the world. It has been a goeat work to accomplish 
this mighty transformation. It can not be overestimated or too 
highly appreciated. In the mere fact that it has been done there 
exists an everlasting testimonial to the worth, sincerity, and true 
greatness of the three generations of our fathers by whom it was 
performed. It will forever speak for them 



— 144 — 

OF PATIENT TOIL AND GREAT HABDSHIPS, AUSTERE PUBLIC 

VIRTUE 

and wise statesmanshij), unselfish devotion to duty, heroic blood 
and patriotic sacrifices. >k >{; ^ 

Their highest claim to gratitude and honor at our hands is for 
the civil institutions they bestowed upon us ; the civil institu- 
tions that constitute both their and our greatest glory; the civil, 
institutions that have done more for the prosperity and good 
name of Cincinnati than all the muscle and brawn, inventive 
genius and liberal generosity that have been expended on. it. 

If we should be called upon to perform a like service we could 
now, in the light of our experience, easily enough, no doubt, de- 
cide in favor of the same kind of institutions our fathers gave to 
us. We would not hesitate to declare for 

ABSOLUTE FREEDOM OF OPINION AND EQUALITY OF CITIZENSHIP 

as against every species of human bondage, and against every 
kind of inequality of right. These are self-evident propositions 
to us. They lie at the very basis of all our ideas of society. But 
it Avas not so with our fathers one hundred years airo. They had 
no light of experience such as we have enjoyed. Men have been 
vainly struggling for two thousand years for a practical and suc- 
cessful demonstration of self-government. There had always 
been some essential element fatally lacking. Another experiment 
was to be made. It was destined to prove a success, but not with- 
out a priceless expenditure of blood and treasure that constituted 
the penalty imposed for the well-nigh fatal mistakes attending 
its inauguration. American independence had just been achieved. 
It had been conquered by the sword. The struggle had been long 
and bloody, and the spirit of freedom and equality had been 
quickened as never before in the history of the Avorld. Yet the 
liberty that had been so secured 

MEANT NOTHING 3I0RE, HIGHER, OR BETTER 

to one half the American people than a right to have human 
slavery and jDrotect it by constitutional provisions as a divine 
institution. 

But fortunately it was not so with the other half. They, on 
the contrary, believed in a practical application to government 
of the doctrine proclaimed by the Declaration of Independence, 
that all men are created free and equal. The two ideas were 
necessarily at war with each other. In the nature of things they 
could not peaceably co-exist — one or the other must ultimately 
prevail with the whole people. But from one or the other of 
these ideas, with the chances largely in favor of the wrong one, 
the men who founded Cincinnati and settled the State of Ohio 
were compelled to make choice as to the spirit of the govern- 
ment and the character of the institutions under which they, 



— 145—' 

and we as their children, should live. They made their choice, 
and made it right; and no language can exaggerate the important 
and far-reaching consequences for good that have resulted from 
the fact that, as the result of their choice, they secured for us, as 

OUR FIRST ORGANIC LAW, THE ORDINANCE OF 1787. 

It turned the tide that was eventually to carry with it the bal- 
ance of power in favor of the civilization of New England. It 
was a new charter of liberty — 

A SECOND DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

Here, where there was so much labor to be done, it established as 
a controlling idea that it is honorable to labor, and that no suc- 
cess or luxury should be enjoyed except as the result of individ- 
ual enterprise and self-elevation and culture. It brought with it 
an influence that taught men to be self-reliant, to act upon indi- 
vidual responsibility, to encourage industry and enterprise, and 
to scorn to eat their bread except in the sweat of their own faces; 
and over and above all else it taught as a cardinal principle that 

MORALITY AND KNOWLEDGE ARE ESSENTIAL TO GOOD GOVERNMENT. 

In other words, side by side with its broad recognition of the 
rights of men it planted 

THE CHURCH AND THE SCHOOL-HOUSE, 

and bid mankind look upward as they marched onward, and 
struggle not only for the material and temporal prosperity of 
this world, but also for the higher and better things of both this 
life and the life to come. This Avork of the fathers was indeed a 
great one. It will forever bear witness that they appreciated 
the responsibilities that rested upon them ; that they had a just 
measure of their mission ; that they knew they were the pioneer 
fathers of Avhat was destined to be a mighty north-west, and that 
they knev/ that the ideas and opinions which they were to prop- 
agate would exercise a controlling influence in the great contest 
for supremacy which they foresaw 

BETWEEN THE TWO CIVILIZATIONS OF AMERICA. 

They knew they were not only founding this beautiful city, but 
that they were also making an important contribution to that 
beautiful temple of liberty that is to-day the pride of every 
American heart. 

We have lived to see the importance of this work. We have 
seen the Nation struggling in war to maintain its life. We have 
seen the Nation triumph. But Avho that remembers that con- 
flict can doubt but that this union of states, now forever estab- 
lished and dedicated to freedom, would have been either dis- 
membered by treason or forever cursed and disgraced by the 
blight of slave-domination, if our fathers had not given us the 
institutions that threw our power and influence on the side of 
the Union and in favor of the cause of human liberty ? 



-146 — 

We do well to remember the princely generosity that has 
adorned our city with this beautiful structure in which we are 
assembled. We would be ungrateful indeed should we ever for- 
get the munificent liberality that has crowned yonder hill with 
an art museum. 

But great as may be our obligations to such men, greater by 
far is the debt we owe to the men who determined the character 
of our institutions by impressing 

THEIR OWN STURDY, UPRIGHT CHARACTER 

upon them. All honor to every virtue ; all honor to every man 
who lives a useful life ; but may the time never come when we 
shall fail to recognize as our greatest benefactors the men who, 
with unselfish patriotism, barred slavery with its long train of 
evils out of our city, and brought into it, with their attendant 
blessings, the church and the school-house. They were men 
such as the poet wrote of, when he said, 
Wliat constitutes a State ? 
Not high-raised battlements or labored mound, 

Thick wall or moated gate — 
Not cities proud, with spires and turrets crowned, 

Not bays and broad-armed ports — 
Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride; 

Nor starred and spatigled courts, 
^Vhere low-browed baseness wafts perfume to pride. 

No! Men, high-minded men. 
With powers as far above dull brutes endowed, 

In forest, brake, or den — 
As beasts excel cold rocks and brambles rude, 

. . . Men who their duties know, 
But know their rights, and knowing dare maintain. 

And now, my friends, there is one other class of our dead, and 
only one other, entitled to equal honor and gratitude at our 
hands, and they are the sons who saved what the fathers created; 
for all that the fathers did would have been done in vain had 
it not been for the heroic sons who laid down their lives for its 
preservation. 

It is twenty years now since the war for the suppression of the 
rebellion closed. For twenty years the grass has been growing 
green over the graves of the Union dead. For twenty j-ears the 
sunlight of peace has been beaming steadily upon us; and during 
all this time we have been drifting on, through the cares and 
anxieties of business all the while, each year more and more 
forgeting that great struggle with its terrible recollections ; and 
yet, notwithstanding the lapse of this long period, and notwith- 
standing all these intervening events, how strong and how sacred 
the memory of that time ! We have again this day witnessed 
a most beautiful but solemn and imj^ressive ceremony. We have 
seen the loydX people of the whole nation, from one end of the 



— 147 — 

land to the other, moved by a common impulse, gathering with 
afiectionate reverence around the graves of the loyal dead, strew- 
ing them over with the choicest flowers of spring-time, and upon. 
those lowly mounds, as though upon the altars of their country, 
with apt words of patriotism, dedicating themselves anew to the 
great principles and purposes for which these men died. 

Who were these men, and what were the services they rendered 
that they should be accorded such exceptional tributes of honor? 
Can you recall that past? Can you still remember the soul-stir- 
ring scenes of 1861-5 ? Can you again hear the beat of the drum 
and the shrill note of the fife ? Do you once more see the flags 
flying and the troops marching ? Can you again recall how the 
minds of all were filled with that strange, wild delirium of war? 

IF YOU ARE A WIFE WHO GAVE UP A HUSBAND, 

a mother who surrendered a darling boy, or an orphan child who 
looked through blinding tears for the last time upon a loving 
father as he marched away to return no more forever, you can 
never forget it. Neither can you ever forget the services and 
sacrifices of the men with whom we thus parted. 

THEY WERE NOT PROFESSIONAL SOLDIERS. 

They had no ambitions to gratify by such a service. They had 
neither hope nor desire for military distinction and renown. 
They were only honest-minded citizens of the republic, who had 
a just appreciation of their duties of citizenship. They believed 
they had come into the inheritance of a good government, not 
simply to enjoy its privileges, but also charged with the duty of 
preserving and perpetuating it to posterity. 

THEY WERE MEN OF CONSCIENCE. 

It was impossible for them to recognize a duty and fail to per- 
form it. They were patriotic men. They loved their country, 
and were proud of its good name. They were loyal men. They 
believed in the Constitution, and the flag that our fathers gave 
us, and they were determined to have no other. They had. no 
patience with the miserably belittling idea that the Constitution 
was a mere compact between States. On the contrary, they be- 
lieved that it was, what on its face it declares itself to be, the or- 
ganic law of the whole people, binding us together in an indis- 
soluble union that made of the American j^cople an American 
nation. They hated and despised the crime of secet-sion, and be- 
lieved that the doctrine of States Rights was an infamous heresy, 
fit only to be shot to ignominious and everlasting death with the 
million guns of the republic. They saw and realized that a 
great crisis had come — a great crisis not only for the American 
Government, but also for the cause of mankind throughout the 
world. They saw that it must be met, and all saved ; or, evaded, 
and all lost. Between such alternatives they could not hesitate. 



— 148 — 

Tlie path of duty was plain, and they heroically walked in it 
when they volunteered and marched away — marched away from 
home — from the plans and purposes and ambitions of life — 

MARCHED AWAY FROM WIFE AND CHILDREN — 

from father and mother — from all that was nearest and dearest 
in this world — marched away to follow the flag — to follow the 
flag, they knew not where, except only wheresoever it might 
lead — to follow it on the weary and foot-sore march — to undergo 
hardships and deprivations — to face the shot and shell of battle, 
and, God so willing it, to fall before the storm of leaden hail. 

And all for what ? For literally nothing to them as individ- 
uals; for it was all without hope or thought of personal gain or 
advantage of any kind. Yea, all with no other hope or thought 
than that they might, to the utmost of their humble abilities, 
serve the great cause of their country which it had become their 
high duty to espouse. Never before was there marshaled on the 
face of the earth an army that was inspired with a more exalted 
patriotism or a rnore unselfish devotion to duty. They were 
truly, as it has been eloquently said, a grand army of a million 
men. The record of their achievements is the most brilliant 
chapter of our National history. With a zeal that never flagged, 
a heroism that never quailed, a courage that nothing could 
daunt, and 

A CONFIDENCE THAT WAS BORN OF GOD, 

they pressed on through good report and bad report, through 
victory and defeat, battle and blood — from the gloom and dis- 
aster of Bull Run to the glorious sunshine of peace that broke, 
the clouds and shone down for all on the victorious fields of Ap-'. 
pomattox. ',ii i'.i ^ :ii '^ ^ ^ 

On the eve of one of his great battles — Eylau, I think it was — ' 
Napoleon nerved his troops for the impending struggle by an in- 
spiriting address, in which he said that to the last days of their; 
lives it would be sufficient when said of them, ' There is a soldier; 
who fought at Eylau,' to elicit the response, 'Then there is a 
hero,'' 

And so may we say that so long as the English language lives 
there will be one bright, gleaming page of history to tell of the 
noble lives and heroic deaths of Lytle, the McCooks, Fred Jones 
and Will Jones, 

AND THAT GALLANT BAND OF BRAVE COMRADES 

who lie sleeping about them in yonder cemetery. * * 

More than two thousand years ago Pericles said, in his famous 
oration over the Grecian dead, ' Of the illustrious, the world is 
the sepulcher.' So may we say of our dead heroes. Their 
fame is forever secure. Their bodies lie buried in the 'window- 
less palaces of death,' but their deeds are forever entombed in 
the hearts of mankind. Wherever patriotism is appreciated, 



— 149 — 

WHEREVER THE LOVE OF LIBERTY DWELLS, 

wherever brave men are held in esteem, there the memory of our 
lieroes will be forever cherished. ^ ^i^ ^ 

' If we are as faithful to our trust as the dead were to theirs, we 
•shall continue to live under the Constitution, and to follow one 
flag, as we march forward to a common destiny that is full of 
hope and promise for us all. But if we would attain this success, 
we must remember the 

I VIRTUES OF OUR FATHERS AND CHERISH THE DEEDS OF 

THEIR SONS. 

* * We must never permit it to be forgotten that for all we are, or 
ever hope to be as a people, Ave are indebted to the sacrifice of 
life that these men made. Then, both as a tribute of love to the 
dead and as a lesson of duty to the living, let us — 
' Cover them over with beautiful flowers, 
Deck them with garhinds, these brothers of ours, 
Lying so silent, by night and by day, 
Sleeping the years of their manhood away ; 
Years they had marked for the joys of the brave, 
Years they must waste in the moldering grave. 
All the bright laurels they waited to bloom 
Fell from their hopes when they fell to the tomb; 
Then givh them the meed they won in the past. 
Give them the honors tlieir future forecast, 
Give them the chaplet they won in the strife, 
Give them the laurels they won with their life. 
Cover them over — yes, cover them over, 
Parent, husband, brother, and lover — 
Crown in your hearts tliese heroes of ours, 
And cover them over with beautiful flowers.' 

AT THE GRAND RECEPTION AND MASS-MEETING, 

Tinder the auspices of the Lincoln Club, Cincinnati manifested, 
June ^.Oth, a revivalof the enthusiasm of the National campaign ; 
indeed, the meeting was larger and more enthusiastic than any 
held last fall. 

EXTRACTS FROM THE SPEECH OF JUDGE FORAKER. [ 

Mr. Chairman and Fellow-Citizens — '•• * * When we had been 
beat in the great National contest of last year, our Democratic friends' 
made baste to loudly and confidently proclaim that the Republican party 
had not only been overthrown, but that it had also been destroyed. [Shouts' 
of ' Never.'] 

They told us its mission was ended; that its work was done; that it was 
dead [shout, ' It's the liveliest party they ever tackled']. But although a 
few months have since elapsed, yet there has been time enough for a num- 
ber of conclusive refutations to be given to that claim. 

ONE OF the first REFUTATIONS 

■was given by the Republicans of Illinois when they honored again with a 
seat in the United States Senate one of our gallant leaders in the last cam- 
paign, General John A. Logan. [Cheers.] 

Our Democratic friends found out, as my friend in the audience sug- 
gested, that the Republican party was neither dead, nor sleeping, when on 
the first Monday of last April, here in the city of Cincinnati, we made, 



— 150— 

BY A MAJORITY OF FOUR THOUSAND, 

your fellow-citizen, Amor Smith, Mayor of the city. [Yells and enthusi- 
astic applause.J But I need not stop to argue that, as any one who saw 
that magnificent convention that assembled at Springfield, any one who sees 
this magnificent demostration here to-night, knows that the Republicans of 
Ohio are going to proclaim, by the result of our election in October next, 
that the Republican party is not dead in the old Buckeye State. [Cry, 
' No, not by forty thousand.'] Yes, my friends, not by forty thousand. 
That, I believe, is the second amendment, and I accept it acco'-dingly. 
[Laughter.] ****** 

By way of inspiration for the work that is before us. let roe remind you of 
the triumphs of the Republican party in the past. 

We were twenty-four years engaged in administering our National affairs. 
When we came into control of our general government in 1861, we found 
our country half enslaved; when we turned it over to our Democratic 
friends a few mouths ago 

THE COUNTRY WAS ALL FREE. 

[Cheers.] Nowhere under the flag does the foot of a human slave press on 
American soil. [Cheers.] 

When we came into control of the Government in 1861, the nature of it 
bad not yet been determined. We knew that the Slates were living to- 
gether in some sort of union. We knew that we had three great depart- 
ments of government, whose respective powers and authority were defined 
by the Constitution; but yet there was a controversy that was vital as to 
the question of the perpetuity of our government, a question as to the 
proper relation of the States to the general Government; for there was a 
great political party in this country that contended that 

OUR CONSTITUTION IS NOTHING MORE THAN A COIVIPACT ; 

that any State has the right to break it up or destroy it whenever they see 
fit to do so; that there was no power in the Constitution to preserve the 
constitution — that it was constitutional to destroy it even ; but as we turned 
the Government over to our Democratic friends that question too was set- 
tled. The boys in blue on the battle-fields of the Republic settled, and set- 
tled forever, that the constitution of the United States is not the libel on 
our fathers th:it such claims would make it, but that it is, as it declares on 
its face, 

tTHE ORGANIC LAW OF THE WHOLE PEOPLE, 

binding the Slates of this Union together in an indissoluble Union that 
makes of the American people au American nation. [Cheers and enthusi- 
astic applause.] 

When we came into control of this government we found that during the 
seventy years of its existence, the greater portion of which our Democratic 
frienils h;id been administerinsr our affairs, there had not been brought to 
bear upon the governmental affairs of this government enough statesman- 
ship to give to us 

ADEQUATE BANKING AND EXCHANGE FACILITIES. 

If a man wanted to come from, say, Itnliuua, Michigan, or any other State, 
or from a different part of our own Slate, to the city of Cincinnati to buy 
$1,000 worth of goods from a Cincinnati merchant, the latter would not ac- 
cept the bills proffered in payment until he had consulted a " bank-note 
detector" to see whether he would accept them at ninety, seventy-five, or 
even fifty cents on the dollar, or whether he would accept them at all. 
Now that, too, as we turn the Government over to our Democratic friends 



— 151 — 

has been changed. Instead of such a system as that of which I spoke, we 
have the best financial system which has ever been given to the commercial 
industries of the country. [Cheers.) * * * 

When we came into control of this government, 

WE FOUND IT ABSOLUTELY BANKRUPT. 

We have heard of late about there being an unreasonable surplus of money 
in the United States treasury [Cry of ' Turn the rascals out.'] Yes, we 
turned them out jn 1860. We have seen it stated that they have taken an 
account of the money there, and it has been found that there were between 
five and six hundred millions of dollars in the treasury ; but when we took 
control of the.Government in 1861, and went into the vaults of the treasury 
to count the money then there, how much did we find ? Just thirteen 
cents. [Enthusiastic cheers.] 

It did not take long to count it. That, too, would never have been there 
but for the fact that it had slipped into a crack and had been overlooked. 
[Laughter.] 

Not only were we bankrupt in cash on hand, but what was wors®, we 
were bankrupt in credit. Until the Democratic party was put out of 
power in 1861 and the Republican party brought in, such a thing as a three- 
per-cent United States bond had never been heard of. -^ * * 

The best kind of a bond they could negotiate most favorably to the peo- 
ple was a United States six-per-cent bond, and that six-per-cent bond they 
sold only in limited quantities in the markets of the world 

WITH THE GREATEST DIFFICULTY AT A RUINOUS DISCOUNT — 

at eighty-eight cents on the dollar. 

To-day, as we turn our government over to the Democratic party, the 
credit of our country has been so highly advanced that a three-per-cent 
government bond sells the world around easily at premium. [Cheer.*.] 

We have the best credit of any nation on the face of the earth, England, 
which has always for the past hundred years been ranked the highest, not 
excepted. [Cheers.] 

When we took possession of the country twenty-four years ago, we took 
an account of stock, so to speak ; we concluded to see how much property 
we had on hand, and everything was listed. 

It was found, on making an inventory that all the lands, aii the railroads, 
all the horses, all the mules, and m11 the property of every kind, character, 
and description in the United States, excepting only the human slaves, 
all told, — the total accumulation of two hundred and fifty years of Ameri- 
can civilization — amounted to but fourteen billions; but when we turned 
this country over to our Democratic friends in March last, at the end of 
twenty-four years of Republican administration, that fourteen billions of 
dollars had been doubled and trebled, until we to-day have forty-five bill- 
ions of property. [Cheers.] 

After discoursing of Civil Service Reform the judge said, 
Unquestionably the civil service can be reformed and improved, espe- 
cially as to the method of appointment to the ]»anks of the civil service, 
and had the Republican party been allowed to remain in power, at no 
distant day we would have had in these respects, by reason of the reforma- 
tions being wrought, the best and most exceptional civil service that any 
country could ever boast of. Yet, notwithstanding all that, notwithstand- 
ing all the imperfections which may be connected with the method of 
appointment to the civil service, or with the service in any other respect, I 



— 152 — 

call your attention to the fact that tlie civil service of the United States 
j]fovernment has been the most efficient that any conntry ever enjoyed, Eng- 
land not excepted. I wish to say here further that we never had in this 
country 

A FAITHFUL, HONEST, AND EFFICIENT CIVIL SERVICE 

until the Republican party came into power [cheers]. [This was fully 

proved by figures.] 

» * » « « * * » 

There were forty votes in the last Electoral College that ought to have 
"been Republican votes, because they were supposed to represent the colored 
Eepublicans of the southern states; but every one of them had been per- 
verted from the representation they were intended for to the support of 

THE PRESENT PRESIDENT OP THE UXITED STATES. 

[Cheers.] I am not here to-night to tallc about bull-whips and shot-guns, 
and Ku-KIux and White Leaguers, and all of those horrible barbarities of 
which we liave heard so much. But let me, as an illustration of how the 
southern Republicans have been defrauded of their rights, and how the 
election of a Democratic president was brought about, call your attention 
to one instance, of which I was reading only tliis afternoon. What I refer 
to is the way they carry on elections in Cliatham County, Georgia, in 
which the city of Savannah is situated. This county has a population of 
fifty thousand. Thirty thousand of them live in the city of Savannah. 
In this county there are twelve thousand voters, and of these seven thou- 
sand are colored Republicans — men who would not think of voting any but 
the Republican ticket if they had a free right to cast their ballot according 
to their preference. There is also a large number of white Republicans. 
But among the white people the Democrats are overwhelmingly in the 
majority. It was a Republican county in every election until three or four 
years ago, 

WHEN THE 'solid-south' SCHEME WAS RESORTED TO. 

They don't apply this scheme by the bull-whip and shot-gun, as in Copiah 
and Danville, and some other places in the South. The legislature 
passed a law authorizing the county commissioners in Chatham County to 
abolish, if they saw fit, all the election precincts in the county and estab- 
lish instead one or more places, as they might see fit, where the people 
should vote. These commissioners, 

ANXIOUS TO HAVE A FREE BALLOT AND A FAIR COUNT, 

abolished all the existing election precints and appointed instead one poll- 
ing-place, in a room in the city hall at Savannah — twenty -five miles 
distant from the outside limits of tlie county Iwhere every man who had 
a right to vote must vote, if he voted at all. [Great laughter and hisses.] 
Here were twelve thousand voters, if they wished to exercise the right of 
suffrage, who must go to one room in the city, on one day, and deposit their 
votes in the same box — and a large number of them 

HAD TO TRAVEL TWENTY-FIVE MILES. 

What was the result? Two or three thousand Democrats who lived in the 
city of Savannah went to ihe room early in the morning, and they did the 
voting all day. Figure it up and you will see that it requires quick work 
to deposit three or four thousand ballots in one box from six o'clock in the 
morning till six in the evening. And so it was that that strong Republican 
county was made Democratic, and is now counted as Democratic. 

My friends, what are we going to do about it? We claim that ours is a 
government of the people, for the people, and by the people. The theory 
of our Goverument is that the people are 



— 153 — 

THE RIGHTFUL SOURCE OF ALL RIGHTFUL AUTHORITY. 

The ballot is intended to express their will. If you destroy that ballot you 
strike at the very foundation of the Government; you sap all that upon 
which our governmental institutions rest. Now, what is the propriety of 
talking about such an outrage as this being tolerated, and this at the same 
time being a free Government ? 

The Republican party, recognizing the fact that by such infamous out- 
rages the Republicans of the South have been deprived of the right of suf- 
frage, that 153 electoral votes had made a Democratic president contrary 
to the' people's wish, said at Springfield, 'We're as much interested in that 
as anybody else. The right to have a free ballot and a fair count concerns 
the whole people;' and, therefore, the Republican party of Ohio, in con- 
vention assembled, resolved that that is an outrage which the people of this 
country owed it to themselves to correct. Therefore they headed our 
resolutions with one declaring 

IN" FAVOR OF A FREE BALLOT AND A FAIR COUNT. 

And the issue before you next October will be whether you have enough 
appreciation of that outrage to so cast your ballots as your representatives 
at Springfield resolved, that every man who, by law, has the right to vote 
shall be allowed to vote without fear, that he shall not be hindered by 
fraud, violence, or intimidation, and that his ballot being cast, it shall be 
honestly counted, to the end that we may have 

FAIR ELECTIONS AND CiOOD GOVERNMENT. 

The judge adverted to the necessity of municipal and political reforms, 
and planted himself upon the platform of high principle and honest meth- 
ods in all political work, and pleaded for candidates of high character, sound 
principles, and right intentions — men who will make, honest and capable 
legislators and officers. 

AT THE MEETING IN HONOR OF GEN. KENNEDY, 

and in ratification of the nominations, June 23, at Bellefontaine, 
Judge Foraker said : 

«■ s •:•:■ Every student of American history knows tliat I am warranted in 
saying that never until the Republican party came into power had there been 
in this country a political triumpli for which the party achieving it 

DESEllVKS TO-DAY EVEN TO BE RKMEMBERED BY MANKIND. 

Go back to the earlier days of the Republic and consider what was the char- 
acter of the questions then involved in politics. Jefferson was elected over 
Adams more because of ijersonal considerations than because one was a Re- 
publican and the other a Federalist ; and so it was that the men of that time 
were Federalists or Reijublicans more because of personal affiliations than 
because of any great political controversies about which they were contend- 
ing; and so it was for the next fifty years thereafter down to the organiza- 
tion of the Republican party, that men ranged themselves on the one side or 
the other with reference to 

PURELY ECONOMICAL QUESTIONS. 

The controversy was continually about tai'iff, or internal improvements, or a 
national bank, government deposits, the public lands — all ot them important 
questons. But what I mean to say is that they were questions that involved 
no great moral jirinciple, involved nothing that 

APPEALED TO CONSCIENCE, . _ , 

and not only that, but as you are all aware the triumphs that were won did 
not permanently settle anything. If by chance it turned out that the resulf) 
of an election fkvored tariff, that policy was persisted in only for a year or 
two, until we came to enjoy some measure of the blessings of such a policy, 
and then 



— 154 — 

TnERH WAS A REVOLUTION OF SENTIMENT, 

and a return to free trade and a persistence in it until, as is always the cas& 
with free trade, ,there was brought about well-nigh bankruptcy and ruin. 
|And so if it turned out as the result of an election that internal improve- 
iments should be favored, the work was carried on only for a short time, until 
rConwress would stop it and order the tools and impleuK nts sold to the high- 
est bidder at puljlic auciion, bringing tlie country witliiu one step from the 
*place where it would have been proper to have fenced in the capitol, white- 
washed the fence, and have sold out the whole concern under the hammer. 
Hence it was tliat, altliough we had a remarkable increase of population 
and immigration, and altliough we had material and physical condiiions that 
favored the highest prosperity and development, yet as a people we were all 
the time languishing as to all tiie great essenti il elements that make a 

NATION STRONG AT HOME AND RESPECTiiD ABROAD. 

What was the trouble? I need hardly stop to mention it. You are 
all aware it was due to the fact tiiat we had an institution, slavery, that dom- 
ineered over everything for its own selfish purpose — an institution which was 
a great wrong in itself, and which, reaching out, contaminated everything 
with which it came in conflict ; an institution which sought greedily and ag- 
gressively to extend itself into the free territories, and to protect itself in the 
free States ; an institution which gave us the blood of Kansas, the Dred Scott 
Decision, the Fugitive Slave Law, but which finally opened the way for new, 
and higher, and better issues, and a new party to represent them. Aud thus 
it happened that the Republican party was brought into life — leaped into ex- 
istence as an 

EXPRESSION OP THE INDIGNANT PROTEST OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE 

against the further extension of that institution. It was, from its birth, in- 
spired with the great idea of human liberty ; aud marchins: to that sentiment 
it was le.l by the illustrious and heroic men who founded it through the 
grancjest chapter of triumphs that ever fell to the lot of any political organi- 
zation to acliieve, to the suppression of the rebellion, the restoniiiou of the 
Union, the pieservati(jii and piM-t'ection of tho Constitution, the rn'onstruction 
of the States, tlie giving to this 'country tlie best fiii.iiiei;d sysitnn it ever 
had, the establishm* iit of the homestead laws, the devclupments we have had 
under a protective tariff, but as its greatest acliievement, lo ih j einaiicip ttion 
and enfranchisement of the colored race. [Loud cheM's.] It emancipated 
that race because it hated and detested the crime and curse of slavery, it en- 
franchised that race because the sentiment of the party was human liberty 
and human equality, and because it believed that all citizens of this country 
should stand ou the same planeof equality in the presence of the Constitution 
and the laws. ['Hear, hear!' and clieers.] The action of the Republican 
l^arty in enfranchising that race, in giving it the right to vote, in giving it a 
corresponding representation in Congress and in the Electoral College, was 
approved all over the couutry, is to-day approved all over this country, as a 
righteous act for the good of the race, and for the good of the country. 

Now, my friends, what I want to call your attention to is this: That the 
same sentiment that actuated the parly in its organization in the days of these 
former triumphs 

CHARACTERIZED AND ACTUATED IT 

when by its representatives it met in convention at Springfield last week; 
for the party of to-day believes that if tue p irty of twenty years ago did 
right in giving to the colored people of the Suith the right to vote, it is the 
duty of the people of this country to-day to give them protection in the exer- 
cise of that rigiit. ['Good!' and cheer-;.] Hence it is tliat, standing at 
the head of the resolutions adopted by th it convention is the declaration that 
the right to vote is a sacred right; that ic must be protected and guarantied 
by the Constitution and the laws, and that every man who has the riglit to 
vote must be]accorded that right free from all violence, fraud, or intimidation, 
and that his ballot when cast must be coimted as cast. [Great cheering.] 
The platform goes further than that, and says that if under the Constitution 
and the laws as now existing, it is not possible so to protect the right of suf- 



— 155 — 

'frngo, then the Constitution and the laws must be made so tliat protection can 
"he^iven. [Applause.] Wh}', my friends, in other words, to the Republican 
party it is an infamous idea that tlie general Government should have the 
right, as it unquestionably lias, to cross over the lines of the States and draft 
Tou into its military service, compelling you to go out and stand up for the 
/lag on the fi'^ld of battle, and thac when you have done this at the peril of 
your life, and are mustered out and have returned home within your State, 
iliat those State lines, so ea^^ily crossed in the one case, should rise up so high 
about you that the general Government that drafted you can not crossover 
them 

TO PROTECT THEM I>T THE E^'JOYMENT OF THEIR RIGHTS. [Loud cheerS.] 

We believe that a government that can not defend its defenders and protect 
its protectors has something the matter with it. [' Hear ! hear !' and cheers.] 
And we intend to find out what that something is, and to mend it. We liad a 
great contest in this country to establish these rights. It may be we have en- 
tered upon a long contest, but it is one in whicli we are bound to triumph. 
Sooner or later we shall surely secure the euforement of these rights through- 
out the cotiutry. 

Now, why do I talk about this? Why do I say anything about the right of 
people down South to vote? Thei-e are a great many people North, there are 
a great many newspapers here who, when they hear you talking about inter- 
ference with the right of suffrage down yonder, dismiss the whole matter by 
saying, ' That is talking about the bloody shirt.' 

Well now, if so, then let us talk a little about the bloody shirt. 

Heretofore, we have been electing our presidents and vice-presidents each 
time lor twenty-four years. Heretofore we had nothing to do — as liereafter 
we will not have — with the local State-elections in the South ; and inasmuch 
as the result has been favorable to us anyhow, we have slipped along paying 
very little attention to what was going on down there. But at last, by last 
year's election, we have had forced upon us in a way we can understand and 
appreciate, the effect of the fact that when a man deposits his ballot in Mis- 
sissippi, or Georgia, or any other State in this Nation for president, he is 

VOTJNG NOT ONLY FOR HIM>ELP AXD THE PEOPLE OP HIS STATE, 

but he is voting also for the people of the State of'Ohio, and when a man goes 
to the ballot-box with a shot-iiun to keep somebody from putting his ballot 
in the box, he is interfering with the expression of the people that aflects not 
only the citizens of his own State, but the citizens of Ohio as well. In other 
words, in the languatre of our platform as adopted at Springfield, we have 
been taught that tlie right to vote is a right that concerns the whole people 
of this entire country, [Lout diners.] It is o?<r matter, it Is o?«r affiir, it is 
our concern what tlif\y do down there, as well as their concern what we do up 
here. Now, what the Republican party wishes is of course foreverybody to 
vote for oiu- principles, if tneycan make up their minds freely, willingly, so to 
do; but the Republii-an party does not wish to force anybody to vote for 
our principles. If the colored or white peojjle of the Soutli wish to vote the 
Democratic ticket as a matter of preference, as a matter of free will or choice, 
the Republican party has not one word to say. But what the Republicari 
party does say is that every man shall have the right to vote according to 
.choice in this matter. [Deafening cheers.] 

We are talking about this because it is an open secret, an unquestioned 
fact, that at the last election, the one that 

MADE GROVER CLEVELAND PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 

there were forty electoral votes from tlie Southern States supposed to repre- 
sent the Republicans of the South that were not cast, as they ought to have 
been cast, for James G. Blaine, but by fraud and violence were jjerverted 
from the course in which those they represented wanted them to be cast^ 
and were given to support the Democratic party. I might enter into an 
argument here, and make a statement of facts to establish this out of my own 
mouth. But I wish to do that out of somebody else's mouth — and above all 
things, I wish to do it by the highest Democratic authority there is in the 
United States, so that my Democratic friends can not complain, and that is 
Grover Cleveland. 



— 156 — 

I haven't any abuse for MR. CLEVELAND. 

He is president of tlie United States, wliether rightfully or wrongfully, no 
matter now, and he is entitled to our loyalty and allegiance as president, and 
we will give it to him, unlike in that respect the action of some people when. 
Abraham Lincoln was elected in 1860. [Cheers.] I have not any fault to find 
so far with Grover Cleveland, neither have I any special praise to bestow 
upon him. [Laughter.] He is just such a Democratic pjesident as I ex- 
pected him to be. A great many people are finding fault with him because 
he has been appointing rebels to place and profit — rebels in the Cabinet, rebels 
in high otfieial positions at homo and abroad, and rebels to represent the 
United States Government at the Courts of Europe. I don't like that any 
better than anybody else ; but what right have people 

TO FIND FAULT WITH GROVER CLEVELAND FOR THAT? 

Would anybody expect Grover Cleveland to apjioint Republicans to such po- 
sitions? JBut if he must appoint them solely from the ranks of the Dem- 
ocratic party, how could be help appointing at least a lew rebels? [Laugh- 
ter.] But what I want to call your attention to is, that out of the mouth of 
this good man, whom our Democratic friends have made president, I will 
prove I hat this state of fraud and violence does exist, and I suppose that Mr, 
Cleveland has the confidence to that extent of our Democratic friends up 
here. ® •■• * * ^ * * ■■■ •■• * 

. You may have read within the last few days of the fact that recently there 
Was appointed to be postmaster at Hazlehurst, Copiah County, Mississippi, a 
man by the name of Meade, and that shortly after he had been appointed and 
before his commission had been issued to him, President Cleveland ordered 
the commission to be withheld until he could 

EXAMINE INTO THE CHARACTER OF MR. MEADE; 

and then you may have read that after he had completed that examination 
he refused to issue him the commission, saying that he felt it his duty in ap- 
pointing Democrats to ofiice to draw the line somewliere, and he had con- 
cluded to DRAW IT AT MURDER. [Cheers.] That was his expression. He 
could appoint ahnost any kind of a man to office, no matter what he had 
done, until it came to murder, and there he must draw the line. [Laughter 
and cheers.] 

WELL, WHAT DID HE MEAN WHEN HE USED 

that significant language? He went on to tell us. He said somebody had 
told him that Meade had been connected with the killing of somebody down 
in Copiah County, Mississippi, and that he had examined into the records to 
find out what the facts were, and he found out that two years ago a man by 
the name of Print Matthews had been killed at the ballot-box in Copiah 
County, Mississippi; that Print Matthews was a white man ; that he was born 
and bred there; that he was a man of property and education and culture; 
that he was a man of family, Avith wrfe and children ; that his brothers were 
about him; that he was a man wlio in every v.-ay enjoyed the confidence and 
respect of his fellow-citizens outside of politics, but that in politics he was a 
Republican, an ardent Republi nn. If the statement had not been made that 
he was born and bred in Copiaii County, I would have thought he had been 
born and bred iu Springfield, ( )hio. [ Lau.ir.hter.] 

BUT HE HAD BICEN ACTIVK liN POT.TTirS. 

He had kept the colored voters of that county organized; he had kept the 
white Republicans in line; he had insisted successfully tliat every man who 
had tlie right to vote should have his ballot honestly counted ; and the result 
was that that county was continually going dillerently iu politics from what 
our Democratic friends wished it; and so thev made up their minds that they 
would dispose of him. All this Cleveland found out. Accordingly the Dem- 
ocratic leaders inet in caucus and determined what should be done with that 
bad Republican, Print Matthews. He went to Sunday-school, too ; another 
objection! [Laughter.] They determined that Print Matthews should 
stop voting, that he should not have anything more to do with politics. 
They appointed a committee to go and notify him the night before the elec:- 
tiou that on the following day he must not vote, and that 



— 157 — 

IF HE DID HE WOULD DO SO AT THE PERIL OF HIS LIFE. 

These neighbors of Print jVIatthews rode down to his house and called hint 
out from the bosom of his family, in the dark, and told him what they had 
resolved to do. Print Matthews could not believe it possible that they con- 
templated any such horrible barbarity. And so the next morning, as was 
his custom, bright and early, like a good Springfield Republican, [Laughter] 
he was at the polls before six o'clock. And when six o'clock came he was 
one of the first men to step up to the ballot-box and cast his ballot; and as he 
stepped back from the box a man by the name of Wheeler came out of his 
hiding ])lace, drew a double-barreled shotgun and shot him dead. Up here 
we would hang a man for that, and do it quickly ; but down 

THEKE THEY HELD A RATIFICATION MEETING. 

They rung the bells for joy, and called the whole town together in the City 
Hall, and they elected this man Meode chairman. Now you begin to see 
what Cleveland was after. That meeting passed resolutions approving what 
Wheeler had done in shooting Matthews, and warning all the balance of the 
Matthews family to keep out of politics under penally of a like fate. They 
also afterward made Wheeler marshal of the town as a reward for shooting 
that man, and they made a hero of him all over Mississippi. As a reward for 
Meade they recommended him for jiostmaster. Cleveland had ordered him 
appointed, Avhen somebodj' gave him an inkling of the shooting matter, and 
then it was that Cleveland investigated, and said tliat he must draw the line 
at murder, and that he could not put such a man in office. 

That suggests two things to me. As I said awhile ago, we have it out of the 
mouth of 

THE HIGHEST DEMOCRATIC AUTHORITY IN THIS COUNTRY, 

that there is that kind of violence and outrage on the ballot. But it suggests 
a still more signific-mt tiling. If it was right for President Cleveland to re- 
fuse to commission ;Mr. Meade postmaster at Hazlehurst because he had 
helped to outrage the Ijallot, whereby Mr. Clevelend had been given the 
Solid South and been made President, is it not right also for 

MR. CLEVELAND TO RKSIGN THAT OFFICE TO SOMKBODY" ELSE? 

[Loud laughter and cheers.] Don't you think that consistency would require 
him to refuse to enjoy the usufruct of such outrai;e? How can he give coun- 
tenance to Mr. Lamar, who held his seat in the United States Senate as suc- 
cessor to Blanche K. Bruce simply because the Republican State of Mississippi 
was made a Democratic State by such methods? Well, now, I don't expect 
that Mr. Clevelend will resign. I have a high opinion of him, but it don't 
quite come up to that. But I will tell you what I do expect and what we had 
better do about it. I expect that the people of this country will makeup 
their minds to give proper appreciation and attention to this matter, aihd as a 
result we will determine that in 18S8 we will turn Mr. Cleveland out. [Loud 
cheers.] We will turn him out, and turn out the whole Democratic party 
with him. [Renewed cheers.] Let anybody be President, let anybody hold 
any office that the people may see fit to elect him to. 

IT IS NOT A PERSONAL MATIER 

of any importance who is President of the United States; it is no great matter 
who holds the Post-office in Hazlehurst, Mississippi, except to the one man 
appointed; nor is it an important matter who holds the Post-office at Bell e- 
fontaine ; but it is a matter of the highest importance to the whole American 
people that there shall be a free ballot and a fair count. [Blnthusiastic cheers.] 
It is of the highest importance that human liberty and human rights, when 
established by such bloody triumphs as we have had to go through, shall not 
be trampled in the dust in defiance of law and order. [Loud cheers.] ■••" * 

THE HEBREWS. 

No higher compliment could have been bestowed upon Judge 
Foraker, as a large-hearted and broad-thoughted man, than that 

THE PATRIOTIC ISRAELITES 

invited him to deliver the address at their cemetery in Cincin- 
nati, May, 1885. He declared that one of the great features of 



— 158 — 

jthe cause in which those men died was that they were battling 
for the preservation of the government that belonged to no 
[nationality, no color, no race, no denomination, but was in the 
imost absolute sense 

A TEMPLE OP LIBERTY FOR EVERY HUMAN BEING 

that might come here to live, who would conform to the laws 
and render allegiance to the flag ; that this is as much a country 
for the Hebrews as for Christians. 

He thanked God that Israelites were accorded, in this land of 
liberty, freedom of worship, equality as to avocation, office, and 
franchise; that this country is an asylum for those oppressed by 
European barbarities and religious bigotry. 

THE JUDGE DENOUNCED THAT CARICATURE OP CHRISTIANITY 

which in its name annoyed and insulted any portion of the 
human family, and especially a race representing the ancient 
people of God, the preservers of the Old Testament, and which 
bred the very Founder and Apostles of the Christian religion. 
This persecution, he showed, was the more contemptible, as the 
Hebrews furnish no inmates of the poor-house and the asylum, 
and scarcely a subject for the jail. He commended their econ- 
omy, their home-life, their patriotism, their sobriety, their indus- 
try, and their love of knowledge and their devotion to the higher 
literature and the arts. As a Christian, he honored the Hebrew 
as an elder brother. He regarded the Christian as the counter- 
part of the Jewish religion, and the Hebrew church as the model 
in service and in official life of the Christian church. He pre- 
served his Christian self-respect by his respect for the Hebrew 
religion and people. 

THE PEOPLE GIVE JUDGE FORAKER NO REST. 

He is called for addresses daily, and on every subject. He 
made an oration on July 4th at North Lewisburg. He said : 

■:;:- « »< We reoall the works of the fathers in achieving our independence, 
and we contemplate the mamiilicent destiny wrapped up in the future, and 
we are aroused to an appreciation of the great duties tliat rest upon us by 
virtue of our citizenship. As to the work of our fathers in achieving our; 
independence, tliere are three special features in the great declaration. First,, 
there is its unusual literary merit. The language employed is absolLitely, 
classical in its beauty, simplicity, and strength of expression. Americans 
can justly be proud of the fact that their first national document will always) 
be held as one of the brightest gems in the English language. But it is not 
for its high literary merit that we chiefly hold this document in esteem, but 
for the broad propositions enunciated in it with respect to the rights of man 
in his relation to government. ••• * What was wonderful in those early 
days is recognized now by everybody. It was not for any lack of courage, 
that our fathers were slow in "declaring the independence of these 
states. The fathers had a just and proper appreciation of and a high regard for 
t lie observance of law. They were anxious to deal in equity and justice, to 
live in peace, and not to resort to war and bloodslied until that was made an 
absolute necessity. *• * •■■■ All the propositions contained in the Declara- 
tion of Independence are really embodied in one, and that is the declara- 
tion that all men are created equal. - » * * 
























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